Sunni Muslims reject Sipah-e-Sahaba Pakistan

by admin

Sipah-e-Sahaba Pakistan does not represent majority of peaceful Sunnis.

Related posts: Sipah-e-Sahaba’s attacks on Sunni Barelvis

Sipah-e-Sahab Pakistan (SSP, currently camouflaged as Ahle Sunnat Wal Jamaat ASWJ) is a banned extremist organization. Comprising radicalised Jihadi-sectarian assets of Pakistan army, the SSP-SWJ represents a tiny minority of the Deobandi sub-sect of Sunni Islam, and per se does not represent the majority of Sunni Barelvi, Deobandi or Salafi Muslims.

Sunni Muslims in Pakistan are divided into three main sects or sub-sects: Barelvis (70%), Deobandi (25%) and Ahl-e-Hadith (5%).

During the CIA-Saudi sponsored Jihad against the Soviet-backed regime in Afghanistan (1979-87), Pakistan army (ISI in particular) recruited and brainwashed thousands of Deobandi Muslims, most of them from Deobandi madarasahs (seminaries) in Pakistan and Afghanistan, to deploy cheap mercenaries in the so called Jihad in Afghanistan.

There were two types of Deobandi Jihadis produced by Pakistan army: Internal and External.

The Internal Jihadis were tasked to attack all those individuals and groups (political parties, religious sects, rights groups etc) who could cause an obstruction in the way of Pakistan army’s international Jihadist agenda. Within Pakistan, the internal jihadis focused on killing leaders of progressive political parties (e.g., ANP, PPP, other progressive intellectuals etc) as well as religious sects opposed to radical Deobandi-Wahhabi agenda. Shias, Sunni Barelvis, Ahmadis and Christians were particularly targeted by the brainwashed Jihadist Deobandis.

The External Jihadis were tasked to operate in Afghanistan, India, Bosnia, Chechnya and other countries to promote the goal of international Islamic Empire or Caliphate.

In view of the mounting international pressure in the aftermath of the 9/11, General Musharraf declared the extremist Deobandi organization (the internal Jihadi branch) Sipah-e-Sahaba as outlawed in 2002. The organization was banned in 2002 as a terrorist organization under the Anti-Terrorism Act of 1997.

However, while the Sipah-e-Shaba Pakistan (SSP) was apparently banned, the organization was secretly allowed to operate by Pakistan’s military establishment. The organization continued its Jihadi-sectarian activities by simply adopting a new name “Ahle Sunnat Wal Jamaat” (ASWJ).

The adopting of the ASWJ was a cunning move by the Sipah-e-Sahaba leadership because Ahl-e-Sunnat Wal-Jamaat or Jamaat-e-Ahle-Sunnat is a name particularly used by Pakistan’s Sunni Barelvis, moderate Sufi Muslims who constitute a dominant majority of Pakistan’s Sunni Muslims and are strictly opposed to extremist Deobandis’ (SSP) Jihadi-sectarian agenda.

In fact, Jihadi-sectarian militants of Sipah-e-Sahaba Pakistan (which also operates as Lashkar-e-Jhangvi LeJ) have conducted numerous attacks not only on Shias, Ahamdis and Christians but also on Sunni Barelvis in which hundreds of Barelvi Muslims have been killed or injured.

Jihadi-sectarian militants of the SSP-LeJ are pro-Wahhabi and puritanical in their ideological interpretation and practice of Islam and consider Sunni-Barelvi Muslims as polytheists (mushrik) and deviant Muslims. In the last few years, LeJ-SSP-Taliban terrorists have attacked dozens of Sunni Barelvi congregations including attacks on sufi shrines in Islmabad, Karachi, Lahore, Peshawar etc and also attacks on Eid Milad-un-Nabi’s processions and Sunni Barelvi mosques. Numerous Sunni Barelvi leaders have been killed by the LeJ-SSP militants including but not limited to Saleem Qadri, Abbas Qadri, Sarfraz Naeemi and several others.

List of key attacks on Sunni Barelvis by extremist Deobandis of Sipah-e-Sahaba

  • 18 May 2001: Sunni Tehreek leader Saleem Qadri was assassinated by the Sipah Sahaba Pakistan(SSP). His successor, Abbas Qadri, charged President Pervez Musharraf’s regime with “patronising terrorists” and “standing between us and the murderers.” (Source). Various Sunni Barelvi outfits alleged that the country’s intelligence agencies were responsible for the killing of Maulana Saleem Qadri. According to these outfits, the agencies were utilising the SSP to trigger sectarian violence among the Shia, Deoband and Sunni Barelwi sects. (Source). When the SSP’s Karachi finance secretary was arrested after the murder of Sunni Tehreek chief Saleem Qadri, he revealed that his organisation received 32 lakh rupees a year from Karachi for the purposes of posting bail, assisting its imprisoned activists and the families of deceased activists. This entire amount was reportedly kept as amanat (safe custody) with one Maulvi Saadur Rehman, head of a religious school in Karachi, and the withdrawals were made through written messages. (Source). Qadri, a high-profile Muslim cleric of the Sunni Barelvi school, was ambushed, apparently by a team of six well-trained assassins riding three motorbikes while he was on his way to Noorani Masjid in Rasheedabad no 7 for the Friday congregation. Qadri and five others were killed on the spot, and three others, including his six-year-old son Bilal Raza, and eight-year-old nephew, Ahmed Raza, were wounded. The dead include Anis Qadri, 23, Mohammed Altaf Junejo, 40 (Qadri’s nephew and brother-in-law), Ibrahim Qadri, 30, van driver Abid Baloch, 30, and police constable, Hafeez Qadri. The corpse of one of the alleged killers, who was later identified as “Arshad alias Polka, an activist of the Sipha-e-Sahaba Pakistan (SSP)”, was also found in the vicinity of the Qadri killing soon afterwards, who was killed in retaliatory firing by Saleem Qadri’s guards. (Source)
  • 19 March 2005: An SSP-LeJ suicide bomber killed 36 at the shrine of Pir Rakhel Shah in Jhal Magsi, Balochistan.
  • 27 May 2005: As many as 20 people were killed and 100 were injured on May 27, 2005 when an extremist Deobandi suicide-bomber attacked a gathering at Bari Imam Shrine during the annual festival. According to the police the two men, said to be active members of Sipah-e-Sahaba Pakistan (SSP), were arrested from Thanda Pani and police seized two hand grenades from their custody. The police said that the two men brought the suicide-bomber from Northern Areas and provided him boarding at the house of another member of the SSP in Rawalpindi before sending the attacker to the shrine.
  • 11 April 2006: A grand Sunni Barelvi congregation celebrating the birthday of the Prophet Muhammad on Eid Milad un Nabi was suicide-bombed by an extremist Deobandi. 57 died including almost the entire leadership of the Sunni Tehrik; over 100 were injured. T
  • 16 December 2008: Pir Samiullah was killed by extremist Deobandis in Swat, his dead body was exhumed and desecrated.
  • 17 January 2009: Pir Rafiullah was killed in Peshawar.
  • 18 February 2009: JUP-Noorani’s provincial leader Maulana Iftikhar Ahmed Habibi was killed in Quetta.
  • 8 March 2009: Attack on Rahman Baba Shrine by extremist Deobandis
  • 12 June 2009: Mufti Sarfraz Ahmed Naeemi was killed by an extremist Deobandi. He was a leading Sunni Islamic cleric from Pakistan well known for his moderate and anti-terrorist views. He was killed in a suicide bombing in Lahore, Pakistan after publicly denouncing the Taliban’s terrorist actions and ideologies.
  • 2 September 2009: Attack on Hamid Saeed Kazmi in Islamabad. He sustained injuries but survived.
  • 1 July 2010: The July 2010 Lahore bombings occurred in Lahore, Punjab, Pakistan. Two suicide bombers blew themselves up at the Sufi shrine, Data Durbar Complex. At least 50 people died and 200 others were hurt in the blasts.
  • 7 October 2010: 10 people killed, 50 injured in an attack on Abdullah Shah Ghazi shrine in Karachi
  • 25 October 2010: 5 killed, several injured in an attack on the shrine of Baba Farid Ganj Shakar in Pakpattan.
  • 14 December 2010: Attack on Ghazi Baba shrine in Peshawar, 3 killed.
  • 3 April 2011: At the annual festival of Sakhi Sarwar Shrine near D.G.Khan, a twin suicide attack left 42 dead and almost a hundred injured.

List of Deobandi and Wahhabi Muslims killed by Sipha-e-Sahaba:

30 May 2004: A senior Deobandi religious scholar and head of Islamic religious school Jamia Binoria, Mufti Nizamuddin Shamzai, was gunned down in his car while leaving his home in Karachi.

17 September 2007: Maulana Hasan Jan was killed in Peshawar.

19 September 2008: A bomb exploded at an Islamic religious school in Quetta killing five people and wounding at least eight. The school was run by Jamiat Ulema-e-Islam of Maulana Fazal-ur-Rehman.

2 October 2010: Dr. Muhammad Farooq Khan, Mardan

Waqt News TV’s political talk-show, Awami Express

(Bardasht—Bardasht—Bardasht) 14 December 2011

Guests: Mufti Muhammad Abid Mubarak (Sunni Barelvi scholar); Aurangzeb Farooqi, head of Sipah-e-Sahaba, Karachi

Ahl-e-Sunnat Wal-Jamat (Sipah-e-Sahaba) is a Deobandi terror outfit hiding behind a Sunni mask, in reality they are an extremist Deobandi outfit, which do not represent Sunni Barelvis nor Deobandis.

Mufti Abid Mubarak (a Sunni Barelvi scholar) said:

(13-18 minute segment)

hum shadeed muzammit kartay hain is qatl o gharat gari ki.

ibtada mein jab aap nay taaruf karaya ahle sunnat wal jamaat kal-adam jamat sipah sahaba. is mein humaray logon Sunni Barelvion ka moqif yeh hai kei hum pur aman log hain, humara naam istemal na kiya jaaye.  sipah sahaba kal-adam jamaat hai, is ka ahl-e-sunnat say koi talluq nahin.

ahle sunnat pur aman log hain, woh dehshat gardi mein, qatl o gharat main mulawis nahin hotay hain, yeh sab batain on reocrd hain, bohat say log humrary shaheed huay, kai log pakray gaye, saneha nisthart park mein bohat say logon ka naam aaya, jis kay tanay banay sipah sahaba say miltay hain.

humarayshaheed-e-ahle sunnat akrm rizvi shaheed huway, un kay tanay banay bhi sipah-e-sahaba say miltay hain,

ahle sunnat ka naam aap isetmal na karen, ahle sunnat kay karoron log hain, hum Sunni barevli hain, humara dil dukhta hai, hum krororn sunnion kay dil dukhtay hain, hum aulia kay maan-nay walay hain, yeh dehshat gard humara naam istemal na karen aur nah hamain in kay saath chipkaya jaye.

aap ye naam istemal naa karen, in kay maslak kay lakhon log (deobandi) apnay aap ko sipah sahab ka nahin kehtay. humray mnaslak kay karoron log in kay qatl o gharat kay khilaf hain.

21-25 minute segment

khudkush humla aawar, funding milti hai in ko or in kay (doebandi) madarson ko, sohrab goth mein in kay lgo hain, koi amreeki nahin aaya, na kisi goray nay kia hay, koi robot nahin aaya, yeh inhi kay, sipah sahaba kay log hain jo dehshat gardi kartay hain.

sarfraz naeemi per humla hua, bhakkar ke deobandi madarsay say khudkush hamla aawar aya tha.

abdullah shah ghazi per humla huwa, deobandi madarsay ka talib ilm nikla

aap ungli kay peechay sooraj ko na chupa saktay. hum iss ko aik waqt takt hi bardasht kar saktay hain

barlevi maslak ka sipah-e-sahaba kay intaha pasand dehshat gardon say koi talluq nahin

aaj tak pakistan main jitnay bum dhamakay, dehshat gardi ki karwaiyan huwin, aik bhi ahl-e-sunnat wal-jamat, barlevi madarsay ka talib ilm nahin tha

data darbar per humla, deobandni madarsa. abdullah shah ghazi per humla, deobandi madarsa. sarfraz naeemi per humla, deobandi madarsaay ka banda tha.

28-30 minute segment

ahle-sunnat kay baray senior rahnuma salim qadri shaheed huway, hit kia gaya galion say, un ka guard tha hafiz raza, us nay fire kiay, aik humla aawar mara gaya, un qatilon mein say aik mara gaya, tafteesh huwi, sipha-e-sahaba ka sar garm kar kun tha lasbela ka

saleem qadri ko shaheed karnay walay sipah-e-sahaba kay log thay.

35-37 minute segment

jo log karwaiyan kartay hain, un ko giriftar kyun nahin kia jata. qanoon ki amaldari nahin hay, dehshat gardi mein mulawis log riha ho rahay hain, sufi muhammad jesay 200 logon kay qatil riha ho rahay hain, jo pakray gay hain, un ko sazayen kyun nahin hoteen?

huma ya rasoolallah kehnay walay log hain lekin humara haq nahin hay jo hum say ikhtlaf karta hai un ko goli marain. sipah-e-shaba kay logon ko humara naam nahin istemal karna chahiye. dehshat gardon ka ahle sunnat se koi taaluq nahin.

38-39 minute segment

kuch deobandi madaris hain jo tashaddud, intaha pasandi ki himayat kartay hain, khud kush bambar tayyar kartay hain, sahibzada fazle karim nay national assembly main bhi baat ki hay.

40-47 minute segment

[Anchor: maasoom logon ko kon maar raha hai, hazara shiaon ko kon maar raha hay, karachi mein target killing kon kar raha hayi. khudkush humlay main madarais say jo larkay pakray gay hain un say aap ka koi talluq nahin, punjab main jo karwaiyan ho rahi hain, koi talluq nahin, karachi mein target kiling ho rahi hai ya nahin?

SSP leader: humara koi talluq nahin dehshat gardi ki kisi karwai say.]

Mufti Abid Mubarak: meri rai hay jitnay log mar rahay hain, woh hawa say mar rahay hain, pakistan kay 18 krore awam bay waquf hain, jo dehshat gard hain unka kisi ahle sunnat barlevi madarsay say talluq nahin, woh sipah-e-sahaba kay deobandi madarson say talluq rakhtay hain

sea view kay bum dhamakay main jo log maray gay who kis madarsay kay thay, sipah-e-sahaba kay haami deobandi madarson kay thay.

woh jo deobandi madarsay say talluq sabit ho raha hay woh kyun hay

sea view kay dhumakay main jo khudkush larka mara gaya, us ka baap deobandi madarsay main plumber hai, us nay kaha woh tau madarsay main prhta tha. is tarah kay bohat say dahshat gard hain.


Remembering Maulana Salim Qadri: Allama Syed Irfan Shah Mashadi’s speech
In this speech, Allama Irfan Mashadi clearly identifies Sipah-e-Sahaba, its patrons in Pakistan army (General Musharraf) and Saudi Arabi (Wahhabi financiers) as responsible for the murder of Sunni Barelvi leader Saleem Qadri.

Here are two clips from his speech against extremist Deobandi terrorists of the Sipah-e-Shaba and Jaish-e-Muhammad:



27 Comments to “Sunni Muslims reject Sipah-e-Sahaba Pakistan”

  1. May 31, 2011: The Anti-Extremist Cell of Sindh Police claimed to have arrested four alleged militants of LeJ after an alleged encounter on Hub River Road in Karachi. The arrested included Munawar Alam, Mohammad Shahid, Khawaja Talat and Mohammad Ali for their involvement in sectarian killings, kidnapping for ransom and robberies in the city. The Police also recovered two kalashnikovs, one 222 rifle, one TT pistol and a Suzuki Khyber (Q-2814) from their possession. Interrogations reveal that the accused also confessed to the killing of four persons, namely, Barkat Ali, a Shia man in Sharah-e-Noor Jahan Mumtaz Qadri, Pesh Imam belonging to Barelvi school of thought in Godhra Camp, New Karachi and two cadres of Sunni Tehreek, Izzat Gul and Adnan Sheikh in New Karachi Industrial Area.

    April 11, 2003: Anti-Terrorism court in Karachi awards death sentence to a LeJ activist, Faisal alias Pehlwan, for assassinating Sunni Tehrik chief Saleem Qadri and four others in the Baldia Town on May 18, 2001.

  2. The Nishtar Park attack in April 2006 was a clear case of suicide-bombing by extremist Deobanids of SSP-LeJ. The Hangu bombing on the day of ashura in the same year (36 Shias killed) also hinted at who the culprit was. On April 7, 2006, Allama Hassan Turabi, a Shia leader, after narrowly escaping a bombing in Karachi, had pointed to the acquittal of Deobandi Lashkar Jhangvi-Sipah Sahaba killers at the High Court a day earlier and complained that the same sectarian killers had done the deed. Allama Hasan Turabi was subsequently target killed by a suicide bomber of LeJ-SSP.

    A reference to Hangu brings us to the Barelvi-Deobandi war that took place days earlier in 2006 in Bara in Khyber Agency. One of the warrior priests was an extremist Deobandi of SSP from Hangu where the Shias had been killed (not for the first time) by a suicide bomber. The Nishtar Park massacre, more likely than not, was a Deobandi reaction to Eid Milad in general and Sunni Tehreek in particular.

  3. ‘Data Darbar had to be destroyed because of Ibn Taymiyya’
    Sunni-Sunni war was much earlier and it reached a peak in 2006 at Nishtar Park, the year the ISI allowed Sipah-e-Sahaba to stage its show of power in Islamabad”senior journalist and Editor Khaled Ahmed responds to some questions by Viewpoint on the post-Data Darbar attack scenario in Lahore and the menace of sectarian strife in Pakistan.

    Viewpoint: Attack on Data Darbar was bloody, but shrines like Bari Imam and many more in Pakhtunkhwa have been attacked in last few years. We have seen attack on Sunni Tehrik in Karachi besides Deobandi-Barelvi riots in Khyber agency. It seems Shia-Sunni strife is now becoming Sunni vs Sunni clash. What do you say?

    Khaled Ahmed: Barri Imam was attacked by backers of Lal Masjid through an anti-Shia personality of Kohat known as al-Qaeda Lawyer who was brought as arbiter by our agencies together with others like Fazlur Rehman Khaleel of Harkatul Mujahideen fighting Pakistan’s proxy wars during the Lal Masjid faceoff in July 2009. The Sunni-Sunni war was much earlier and it reached a peak in 2006 at Nishtar Park, the year the ISI allowed Sipah-e-Sahaba to stage its show of power in Islamabad. Why should we start dubbing the old war as new war? And why should we leave the state out of it? It is not ‘now becoming’, it is ‘continuing’ because the state has not decided that it must stop its protégés from killing Pakistanis. Questions should be correctly posed. The Sunni-Sunni strife is old. Ask Mufti Munib and he will put you right and clear your mind of indoctrination. Data Darbar had to be destroyed because of Ibn Taymiyya (1263-1328) who figures now in the al-Qaeda pantheon.

    Viewpoint: Zia regime is blamed for sectarian trouble in Pakistan. But we have seen that even PPP and PML-N governments are trying to appease these forces. PPP built election coalition with TNFJ while accommodating an SSP minister in its Punjab cabinet back in 1990s. PML-N’s appeasement policy has also been highlighted recently. Your comment.

    Khaled Ahmed: The state of Pakistan has deployed its non-state actor terrorists in Punjab. Because of the unclear charter of power of the state agencies linked to the army, parts of Punjab are succumbing to the power of the terrorists. South Punjab is vulnerable to three terrorist organisations. The Punjab government is now paying crores of rupees supporting ‘charities’ of one of them that it has ‘nationalised’. A new perspective of the Seraiki Movement is gradually coming to the fore, reflecting the political dominance of Sipah-e-Sahaba and its offshoot, the Jaish. No one from among the backers of the Movement – known traditionally to be secular – is willing to even speak of the presence of the jihadi-terrorist organisations. One reason is that most of them want to lean on them to win the elections; the other may be the simple fact of intimidation and the subliminal acknowledgement of state patronage to the terrorists. A Seraiki Province in the coming days will be exclusively the domain of Sipah-e-Sahaba and its friends. It will be for the first time that terrorists posing as Islamic warriors against India and against the Shias of Pakistan will possess an entire province and its resources under the new constitutional dispensation of real autonomy.

    Viewpoint: What about the role of Iran and Saudi Arabia?

    Khaled Ahmed: Official Saudi Arabia hates al-Qaeda but Saudi civil society plus the civil society of UAE and Kuwait are spending big money in the region so that Shias and Sunnis should be killed in Pakistan because of the ‘jahiliya’ act on the part of Pakistan to be an ally of America. Iran is out of the competition after getting a bloody nose in the shape of mass Ashura slaughters in Pakistan.

    Viewpoint: What do you say about the curriculum of hate taught at madrassas stoking sectarian fire?

    Khaled Ahmed: Textbooks at the madrassas are OK. The courses are culpable only so far as they take the acolyte away from the world outside the madrassa. The isolation of the acolyte and his total enslavement to the handlers is what should bother us. Everyone who does terrorism has been to the madrassas, starting from Sipah leader Azam Tariq, to Harkatul Mujahideen Fazlur Rehman Khalil, Qari Saifullah Akhtar and Mullah Umar. Banuria has the distinction of getting most of its leaders like Yusuf Ludihanvi and Shamzai killed after they sanctioned violence on targeted communities. The Madrassa network is not only sectarian; it also disagrees with the state of Pakistan as it is. But this is not a strict law. Suicide-bombers are also picked up from mosques. All strictly religious people are vulnerable, as shown by Faisal Shahzad and his helpers.

    Viewpoint: Media, in bid to maintain sectarian harmony, almost never mentions the sect perpetrating acts of terror. Even victimized sect is not mentioned. Does this self-censorship help? Also, how would you evaluate the role of media with regard to sectarian tensions in the country?

    Khaled Ahmed: Media has to be protected. If it is not, it is vulnerable to threats. Mangal Bagh picked up a reporter from Peshawar and made the offending newspaper apologise and swear that it will not print anything against him. Media also is Urdu-dominated and those who speak and write well in Urdu are from the same background as the terrorists. But the dimension of widespread extremism has to be added, otherwise people like Javed Ghamidi too would be terrorists.

    Viewpoint: ‘No Muslim can do it’ is a mantra we often hear from different circles. What do you say about this exercise that many call self-denial?

    Khaled Ahmed: This is pure Muslim doublespeak and it is universal, so one can call it collective insanity. Muslims no longer do ‘amal’; they simply do ‘radd-e-amal’ and end up killing themselves. And ‘amal’ is all from America. This gives rise to the absurd ‘radd-e-amal’ of killing Muslims in Pakistan because America is supporting Israel in its enterprise of killing Muslims. The term self-denial is wrongly applied. It is simply denial. The non-Muslim world must remain strong against this lethal trend; otherwise it will succumb to the suicidal dogma and lose its freedom. Meanwhile, non-Muslims and apostatised and ‘apostatisable’ Muslims like Shias and Ismailis living in Pakistan are under direct threat because the state is too weak and too involved in its own extremist transformation to protect them.

    Viewpoint: Do you see any parallels in attacks on shrines and Barelvis in Pakistan with attacks on shrines and Shia population in Iraq as in both cases a majority sect is under attack?

    Khaled Ahmed: There is no comparison. In Iraq, the Shia majority is being attacked by Sunnis, some of whom like al-Qaeda cross the border into Iraq. But the Shia, unlike the Pakistani Shia, have counterforce. In Pakistan, it is Sunni killing Sunni. There is no comparison. The common factor is al-Qaeda and its slave organisations brought into existence by Pakistan to fight India.

    Viewpoint: How dangerous is this sectarianism for civil society bodies particularly political parties, trade unions and professional bodies. Also, what civil society needs to do to counter this growing menace?

    Khaled Ahmed: Civil society is ipso facto not a virtuous community. In the Islamic world, civil society is dangerously bigoted while the rulers are liberal, as in Saudi Arabia, Kuwait and Egypt. Civil society as a counterforce to the state is a Western construct. If civil society is more intolerant than the state then it cannot be called civil society. (Maulana Fazlur Rehman is right when he says there is no such thing in Pakistan.) The madrassa is a civil society product and will conquer the state if it can. Democracy is vulnerable to extremism for this reason. If we produce a dictator like Musharraf or Hosni Mubarak we can survive for some time; if we produce General Zia then we are sunk. Another problem is that after a ‘liberal’ dictator leaves there is a reaction in civil society in favour of bigotry and extremism. If Egypt goes collectively terrorist, with stoning to death (mostly women) and cutting of hands taking place in its streets under the Ikhwan, Hosni Mubarak will be blamed.'Data%20Darbar%20had%20to%20be%20destroyed%20because%20of%20Ibn%20Taymiyya'&f=full-6-july-16.php&y=2010&m=july

  4. Some common fallacies often shared by Taliban apologists and (fake) liberals

    Brothers in one arm
    Related posts:

    Intellectual dishonesty in misrepresenting Shia massacres in Pakistan

    Unloading the entire blame of sectarian terrorism on Saudi Arabia and Iran is unfair – by Adnan Farooq

    LUBP archive on Shia genocide in Pakistan

    Here is a list of some common fallacies, often shared by Taliban apologists and (fake) liberal analysts, which are frequently propagated through media and personal conversations:

    Pakistani Taliban are different from Afghan Taliban (wrong: They are one and the same; both groups consider Mullah Omar as their Ameer-ul-momineen; and operate along the same violent sectarian and jihadi agenda.) For example:

    One senior Taliban commander explicitly makes the point that the Afghan Taliban, the Pakistani Taliban and the Al Qaeda in the region are all the same: “Pakistani Taliban leaders themselves confirmed their close relationship with the Afghan Taliban. Asked in 2008 if the Pakistani Taliban were close to the Afghan Taliban, Faquir Mohammed, the deputy commander of the Pakistani group, replied “No questions about it.” And he added: “They are the true Muslims. We are their staunch supporters and there is no difference in our beliefs.” Mawlawi Omar, a spokesman for the Pakistani Taliban, went a step farther and stated flatly in an interview that “there is no difference between Al Qaeda and the Taliban. Those fighting in foreign countries are called Al Qaeda while those fighting in Afghanistan and Pakistan are called Taliban. In fact, both are the name of one ideology. The aim and objectives of both organizations is the same.” (Source)

    Taliban and Sipah-e-Sahaba are two different organisations (wrong: Sipah-e-Sahaba and Taliban are, in the main, radical Deobandi organisations with a violent sectarian and jihadi agenda. However, majority of educated Deobandis do not subscribe to the views and operations of these two organisations. Sipah-e-Sahaba is, for all practical purposes, the name of Punjabi Taliban. In Karachi, Sipah-e-Sahaba could not get significant support from ethnic Sindhis or Muhajirs, hence the majority of their supporters in Karachi (and also in Balochistan) come from radical Deobandi madrassahs and Pashtun Taliban.)

    Sipah-e-Sahaba and Lashkar-e-Jhangvi are two different organisations (wrong: All those Sipah-e-Sahaba terrorists who get arrested or accept responsibility of an attack on Shias, Barlevis, Christians or Ahmadis are labelled as Lashkar-e-Jhangvi for certain legal and political gains, i.e., to save the Sipah-e-Sahaba leaders from arrest or wrath of the masses.)

    Taliban and Sipah-e-Sahaba are Sunni organisations: (wrong: The Taliban and Sipah-e-Sahaba are extremist Deobandi organisations. Not a single Barelvi (or Soofi) Muslim (who constitute a majority of Muslims in the subcontinent) is a part of them. In fact, Taliban / Sipah-e-Sahaba are involved in a number of Sunni (Barelvi) killings including the attack in Nishtar Park Karachi (killing almost entire leadership of the Sunni Tehreek) and also various attacks on Eid-Milad-un-Nabi processions and sufi shrines.

    Iran supports Shia terrorists in Pakistan (wrong: Not all Pakistani Shias support the Iranian mullahs. In fact, majority of Shias in Pakistan support liberal and left-wing forces (not unlike what majority of Muslims do in the UK or US). For example, Shia religio-political organisation TNFJ (later TJP) was hugely rejected by Pakistani Shias in 1988 elections and afterwards even in those constituencies where there is a sizeable Shia vote. It was an old tactic used by Saddam Hussain (and also by Arab kings and Emirs) to declare their local Shia population as Iranians thus to justify their oppression and suppress their resistance. When terrorists of Taliban / Sipah-e-Sahaba hit Shia individuals and gatherings, they do not distinguish between pro-Iran Shias and pro-liberal Shias. Similarly, any rare incident of reaction from Shia violent individuals (which is particularly directed against Sipah-e-Sahaba, not against all Sunnis) is independent of their pro-mullah or pro-liberal inclinations. Evidence suggests (given the disproportionately high number of Shias killed in the last two decades) that Shia violent individuals are far outnumbered than TTP/SSP/LeJ activists and do not enjoy a systematic support by Pakistan army or its Jihad Enterprise.)

    This is Iran versus Saudi Arabia war in Pakistan: (wrong: This is a fight between violent Taliban (including Sipah-e-Sahaba and other affiliate organisations) and the humanity. While Saudi Arabia’s funded madrassahs are involved in sectarian hate speech against Shias and Barelvis, it is our own people killing our own people.)

    This is Sunni versus Shia: (wrong: This is extremist Deobandis versus rest of the Muslim and non-Muslim population of Pakistan. Majority of educated Deobandis, however, do not subscribe to a violent sectarian and jihadi agenda of the Taliban and Sipah-e-Sahaba who have currently hijacked the Deobandi madrassahs and ideology.)

    This is sectarianism: (wrong: This is terrorism unleashed by the Taliban and Sipah-e-Sahaba against all Pakistanis and the entire humanity. This is not a Sunni vs Shia or Deobandi vs Barelvi sectarianism. This is a terrorist war by a violent group of people who want to enforce their sectarian and political views on others.)


  5. Sunni Tehrik is a Sunni Brelvi militant organization founded in 1992 for protecting Berelvi interests against Deobandi SSP and Wahhabi LeT onslaught. Offshoot of Jamaat-Ahl-e-Sunnat (Organization of the Followers of the Sunnah), the Sunni Berelvi organization, Sunni Tehreek has been fighting to regain mosques usurped by other sects.

    Amir – Saleem Qadri (Murdered in May 2001)

    Amir – Abbas Qadri (Murdered at Nishtar Park, Karachi on Apr. 11, 2006) The 57 victims of suicide bombing at Nishtar Park (Karachi) in April 2006.

    Amir – Mohammed Sarwat Ejaz Qadri

  6. Hamid Saeed Kazmi shot by the Taliban-Sipah-e-Sahaba alliance in Pakistan

    وفاقی وزیر کے ڈرائیور یونس کی معذور والدہ نے اپنے مرحوم بیٹے کے جوتے تھام رکھے ہی

    The Deobandi-Wahhabi terrorists in Pakistan attack Federal Minister for Religious Affairs. Driver Killed.

    Hamid Saeed Kazmi, an eminent Sunni (Barelvi) scholar was deeply despised by the pro-Taliban Deobandi-Wahhabi alliance in Pakistan, enshrined in orgnaizations such as Sipah-e-Sahaba, Lashkar-e-Jhangavi, Jamaat-e-Islami, rogue elements of ISI, and Imran Khan’s Tehreek-e-Insaf.

    This is the third high profile targetted attack on eminent Sunni / Barelvi scholars after the Nishtar Park massacre in Karachi and the martyrdom of Maulana Naeemi in Lahore.

    It is high time that all pro-Taliban leaders of the Deobandi-Wahhabi alliance, mullahs and their supports in media and politics, including but not limited to Ansar Abbasi, Dr Shahid Masood, Mullah Munawar Hassan, Hameed Gul, Aslam Beg, Irfan Siddiqi, Imran Khan etc be arrested and charged for treason against the Pakistani nation.

    Pakistan’s Minister for Religious Affairs, Hamid Saeed Kazmi, has been injured in a gun attack on his car in the capital, Islamabad, police say.
    A man believed to be Mr Kazmi’s driver was killed in the attack and another passenger injured, said police.
    No one has claimed to have carried out the attack. Mr Kazmi has been an outspoken critic of the Taliban.
    He was behind a conference in May which denounced the Taliban’s suicide bombing tactics as un-Islamic.
    “Gunmen sprayed bullets on the minister’s car,” a police officer who identified himself as Qasim told Reuters news agency.

    ‘State of shock’
    Television footage showed Mr Kazmi, with a wounded leg, being taken away in an ambulance. There were blood stains on the car’s seats and its windows were shattered.
    Senior medical official Shaukat Hameed Kiani said Mr Kazmi’s leg had been fractured by a bullet.
    “His condition is stable, but he is in a state of shock,” he said.
    Shazia Nazir, a doctor at the hospital treating Mr Kazmi, told the AFP news agency that the minister’s driver had been brought in dead, with a bullet wound to the head, and that a security guard had been seriously wounded.
    Health Minister Aijaz Jhakrani has denied there had been any lapses in security, saying the incident was “a targeted attack”, AFP reported.
    Mr Kazmi has been a key figure in opposing the Taliban in Pakistan, continuing to carry out reforms of religious schools and working with senior clerics to denounce the militants’ tactics.

  7. The network of sectarian violence in Pakistan has its roots in the Deobandi sect. Syed Ejaz Hussain, who is a deputy inspector general of police, for his doctoral thesis in criminology at the University of Pennsylvania analysed the demographic and religious characteristics of the 2,344 terrorists arrested between 1990 and 2009 in Pakistan*. These terrorists were the ones whose cases were forwarded to the courts after the police were satisfied of their guilt based on their preliminary investigation. The sectarian breakdown of the arrested terrorists revealed that more than 90 per cent were of the Deobandi sect. An ethnic breakdown revealed that 35 per cent arrested terrorists were Pashtuns who in fact make up only 15 per cent of Pakistan’s population.

    The disproportionate number of Pashtun Deobandis amongst the arrested terrorists is perhaps a result of the concerted effort in the seventies and eighties by the United States and Pakistan’s establishment to radicalise Pashtun tribes to wage a war against the Soviet Army in Afghanistan. Since the withdrawal of the Soviet forces from Afghanistan, the radicalised and armed Deobandi Pashtuns have been waging proxy wars in India and wars of convenience against the Shias and other religious minorities in Pakistan. Some militant outfits have remained so intimately embedded with the State’s apparatus over the years that it is now proving impossible to extricate the militants from the military.

    BBC’s Urdu service recently profiled militant outfits in a special coverage of four decades of militancy in Pakistan. The overwhelming majority of the militant outfits followed the Deobandi sect. Furthermore, several of the same militant outfits have been reportedly active in India, which has raised alarms in capitals around the world about the collusion between religious extremists and the Pakistan intelligence apparatus.

    Shia killings in Pakistan: An incurable disease? – by Murtaza Haider

  8. The military and civil governments that followed the Zia regime also did little to address the dramatic increase in the number of madrassas and the students enrolled in such institutions. The number of madrassas jumped from 2,800 in 1988 to 9,900 in 2002. The Deobandi madrassas saw the largest increase during that period reaching a total of 7,000 institutions. In fact, the increase in the number of Deobandi madrassas was higher than the number of all other madrassas combined.

  9. qadrifaheem said:

    Why the killers (SIPAH-E-SAHABA) of Maulana Saleem Qadri still at large? Why? Because Saleem Qadri’s supporters are fighting amongst each other, they are totally disorganized, lack proper leadership, live in the past, have failed to deiver their message or protest, and most importantly there is a lack of real anger.

    Try confronting a wahabi/salafi/deobandi and you will get your teeth knocked out, why do u think Pak army is bending backwards trying to appease these MMA wallas (predominantly deobandi/wahabi) even though they have made life miserable for the general? Simply because these guys have learnt the art of reaching out to people, they can stage mass protest in an organized fashion, they demonstrate a unified stance even though they may have internal differences.

    Granted these guys have been fortunate in the so-called Afghan jihad which was more like the wahabization of Pakistan when Saudi petrodollars flooded deobandi/wahabi/jamaat e islami madrassas and political parties. Till the 1980’s Barelvis were the dominant religious entity in Pakistan, not anymore my friend, the ship has sailed from Sunni Barelvi port and is now well anchored in land of wahab. That is another reason why your erstwhile leaders are not making any noise cause they very well know who killed Saleem Qadri and who planted the nishtar bagh bomb, its the same hand which dishes out doles to their deobandi brothers and Barelvi leaders wud like to have a piece of that action.

    bhai if u are so concerned about saleem qadris death then why dont u do something about it JI style, they wud send their good boyzz who wud take care of matters. Thats how real men behave.

    The whole point is to present a clear picture about our beautiful religion and avoid us (ahle sunnah wal jamaat) being called fanatics / terrorists.

    We (ahle sunnah wal jamaat) are NOT terrorist, we are very peaceful people.

    Its the WAHABIS / SALAFIS led by Saudi Mullahs and Kings (patrons of Zia-ul-Haq and Sipah-e-Sahaba) who are bringing this bad name to our religion.

    Before 1980s, we (muslims) all used to live with peace and harmony under the great influence of love-message of aulias. Zia-ul-Haq created differences between us (ahle sunnah) and helped patronize a new sect called WAHABIS (Sipah-e-Sahaba).

    Believe me my dear, his (Saleem Qadri)’s only qusoor was that he was a true lover or Prophet (s.w).

    Sipah-e-Sahaba killed him and the story does not stop there…..

    Link 2001 to 2006 when same armed butcher terrorists of “Sipah-e-Sahaba” martyred all namazis aashiqan-e-rasool at “Nishtar Park gathering of Milad-un Nabi (s.w)”…

    The story and the tragedy still goes on now…..

    The evidence of WAHABIS (Sipah-e-Sahaba / Saudi) being thirsty for our (ahle sunnah SUNNI) blood are:

    1) The cold-blooded murder of Maulana Saleem Qadri

    2) The Tragedy of Nishtar Park

    3) Other SUNNI Scholars martyred by SALAFI / WAHABIS

    May Allah’s curse be on Saudi Family and Salafi Mullahs!!

    Wahabi Sipah-e-Sahaba and company are polluting the minds of our youth.

    I still remeber not long ago, it was the sufi school of thought that was dominant in Pakistan.

    What happened now? It is amazing how these Salafi Wahabi munafiqs are brain washing our new generation.

    Wahabi mentality is against love of Allah and Rasool shareef (SW)!


  10. Although Pakistan’s headlines are dominated by the violent excesses of Taliban extremists, the majority of Pakistanis subscribe to the more mystical Sufi tradition of the country’s Barelvi school of Islam. And attacks on their places of worship are becoming depressingly familiar. Last Sunday, two bombers attacked the 13th Century Sakhi Sarwar shrine, near the southern Punjabi town of Dera Ghazi Khan, slaughtering 50 people and injuring twice as many. Mercifully, two other bombers failed to detonate their devices, preventing even higher casualties. Still, it was the deadliest assault yet on a Sufi shrine in Pakistan — and the sixteenth in the last two years.
    The Pakistani Taliban swiftly claimed responsibility for the attack, as they have done for each previous one. Pakistan’s Taliban claims the mantle of the hardline Deobandi tradition, with many beliefs in common with the austere Wahabism of Saudi Arabia. They regard the Barelvi, who comprise more than three quarters of Pakistan’s Sunni Muslims, as irredeemable heretics. The Barelvis favor a more tolerant approach to Islam, promoting a cult of the Prophet and incorporate folkloric traditions such as seeking intercession from rural saints. Sakhi Sarwar, a mystic who is also revered by some Hindus and Sikhs, is said to grant women a son — a local legend that rouses anger among Islam’s more literalist adherents, who ascribe such powers only to Allah.
    (Read “In Pakistan, Justifying Murder for Those Who Blaspheme.”)
    Tensions between Deobandis and Barelvis have punctuated most of Pakistan’s history. But with the arrival of al-Qaeda in the country a decade ago, local militants forged links with the global jihadists, their sectarianism sharpened to accept al-Qaeda’s “takfiri” worldview that deems adherents of other strains of Islam as deviant apostates worthy of death.
    One reason for the uptick in sectarian-based terror attacks may be that the militants’ ability to strike the high profile urban targets that once grabbed global headlines has been diminished by Pakistani military offensives in their strongholds over the past two years. “It has become harder for the militants to strike hard targets,” says security analyst Ejaz Haider. “Some lessons have been learned from the previous attacks.”
    So, the militants have, over the past two years, more keenly focused on sectarian attacks. Traditional Shi’ite processions are now routinely targeted by suicide bombers. In May 2010, two mosques of the minority Ahmedi sect were targeted in Lahore, killing 93 people. And there’s been an escalation of bombings directed against the majority Barelvis. After attacks on two of their most prominent shrines, Data Darbar in Lahore’s old city and Abdullah Shah Ghazi in Karachi, Barelvis came out on to the streets, wielding weapons and vowing revenge against the Taliban. They did not extend blame to the broader spectrum of Deobandis, perhaps wisely evading the beginnings of a more gruesome sectarian conflict that Pakistan can ill-afford.
    (Read about Pakistan’s Christians.)
    Not all Barelvis are the models of peace and tolerance that some have portrayed them to be. It was a Barelvi, Mumtaz Qadri, that assassinated Punjab Governor Salmaan Taseer in January, for his opposition to Pakistan’s prejudicial blasphemy laws. The assassination was applauded by 500 Barelvi scholars in a joint statement. And the Sunni Tehreek, a Barelvi militant outfit, rewarded Qadri’s family and threatened Taseer’s daughter. While they may favor a more permissive vision of Islam, certain Barelvis are quite capable of violence where they feel the Prophet has been dishonored.
    The campaign to defend Pakistan’s blasphemy laws from reform has, in fact, united Barelvis and Deobandis since last November. Barelvi anti-Taliban rhetoric was also put on pause. “We had seen the Barelvis getting ready to organize a campaign against the Taliban,” observes analyst Nasim Zehra, “but they got sidetracked by the blasphemy issue and this was forgotten.” Until last month’s assassination of Minorities Minister Shahbaz Bhatti, the religious right was able to frequently draw tens of thousands on to the streets.
    Sectarian hatred aside, rural shrines are a far easier terror target than the more heavily guarded state and economic targets in the cities. Suicide bombers, especially the teenage boys favored by militants, can often evade notice before they reach the target. A crowded space helps secure the militants’ aim of causing high casualties. In the case of the Sakhi Sarwar bombers, they only had travel to a relatively short and unimpeded distance from North Waziristan to the edge of Punjab.
    (Read “U.S. Diplomat Could Bring Down Pakistan Gov’t.”)
    The bombings may also be an attempt to relieve pressure from sporadic Army actions against militants in the northern tip of the tribal areas. “Just to remain alive there, the militants have to try and force the government’s hand into diminishing pressure,” says analyst Haider. “To counter that pressure, they mount attacks in the mainland in the hope of securing some deal back in the tribal areas.” By targeting shrines across the country, the militants are able to demonstrate their enduring geographical reach and expose the state’s vulnerabilities.
    The bad news is that the state is in a poor position to respond. After the latest bombings, Barelvi leaders denounced the Punjab provincial government for failing to provide security at shrines. The Punjab government dismisses the charge. “It’s happening all over,” says Ahsan Iqbal, a leading politician from the Pakistan Muslim League-N, the ruling party in Punjab. “This is not something that is province-specific.” Iqbal casts blame on the federal government for failing to share intelligence. The federal government reverses the charge, and argues that the law and order is a provincial responsibility. What no one seems to be focusing on is the desperate need to enhance the police’s capacity, with better equipment, counterterrorism training and an intelligence gathering network that reaches deep into Pakistan’s remote areas.

    Why Pakistan’s Taliban Target the Muslim Majority
    By Omar Waraich / Islamabad, 7 April 2011

    Read more:,8599,2063794,00.html#ixzz1l9PrOPl7


  11. According to Shahbaz Bhatti, the federal minister for minorities in Pakistan, the August 2009 Gojra riots against Pakistan’s Christian minority were organized and perpetrated by the Sipah-e-Sahaba Pakistan. Police arrested more than 65 people for their alleged involvement in the violence. The arrested men include Qari Abdul Khaliq Kashmiri, a leader of the Sipah-e-Sahaba Pakistan. Shahbaz Bhatti himslef was later slain by SSP-LeJ terrorists in 2011.

    A diplomatic cable, originally dated October 23, 2009 from the U.S. embassy in Islamabad indicated that Qari Hussain, a leading militant of the Tehrik-i-Taliban Pakistan (TTP), had roots in the SSP and that “many of the TTP’s foot soldiers are from SSP ranks.”

  12. Answers to some questions:

    Why do Deobandi Taliban kill Barelvi and Shia Muslims?

    Who are major Deobandi leaders in Pakistan?

    Who provides arms, training and protection to the Deobandi terrorists?

    Did Taliban accept responsibility?

  13. I read only a part of it and found that it containd false alligation and false statistics, it is only to missguide the people.

  14. Moving Target
    By Naziha Syed Ali And Massoud Ansari 15 FEBRUARY 2002 NO COMMENT

    A few months ago, the Karachi police received an invaluable tip from an informer, the registration number of a motorcycle believed to have been used by Akram Lahori, one of the most notorious sectarian terrorists at large in the country. Tracing the number, they found the vehicle now in possession of a man named Talha, whom they tailed for a day. Their patience paid off; they apprehended him in Malir while riding the motorcycle with one Shahid Mufti. Two other men suspected of links to sectarian organisations were also arrested in the same operation.

    Shahid Mufti was a pesh imam (prayer leader) in Malir district’s Noorani Masjid, situated in the Shia majority area of Mohammedi Dera. Virtually every Friday, Shahid Mufti had cases registered against him for his vitriolic, anti-Shia speeches. During interrogation by the police, Mufti confessed to his direct involvement in 11 sectarian murders. His victims included the director research, ministry of defence Zafar Zaidi, the pesh imam of Babul Ilm, Hasnain Naqvi, Dr. Raza Mehdi, one of the many Shia doctors slain in Karachi last year, as well as Dr. Ishrat Hussain, a Sunni who, by virtue of his name, was mistaken for a Shia. Both Talha, who had also had a hand in sectarian murders, and Shahid Mufti, named Akram Lahori as the mastermind behind the killings who had assigned them their targets.

    In the course of the investigation, it emerged that Lahori had also given Mufti a picture of the Pakistan State Oil managing director, Shaukat Mirza from a magazine cutting, telling him that the executive was a prominent member of the Shia community who must be eliminated. Lahori directed Mufti to watch the target’s residence in order to observe his routine. When, after some difficulty, he found the PSO executive’s residence, Mufti was discomfited by the presence of the security guards posted outside and, aware that his beard gave him a distinctive appearance, he passed on the job to Talha. But Talha was also chary of carrying out the assassination as he happened to be working in a shop located within the Clifton Shopping Galleria opposite the PSO office building and was thus well known in the area. It is believed that finally Lahori himself pulled the trigger on Shaukat Mirza on July 26, 2001. While it had long been suspected that sectarian activists had slain the PSO managing director, no arrests had been made and the trail had gone cold. Thus, with the arrest of Talha and Shahid Mufti, the Karachi police hit pay dirt. Police sources also contend without hesitation that Lahori was also the hitman in the murder of Ehteshamuddin Haider, Interior Minister Moinuddin Haider’s brother.

    Akram Lahori, Lashkar-e-Jhangvi’s second in command after Riaz Basra, has a price of 40 lakh rupees on his head, including 20 lakhs each placed by the Punjab and Sindh governments. With another 25 lakhs announced as reward money in connection with the murder of Ehteshamuddin Haider, and 25 lakhs more offered by PSO for the arrest of its chief executive’s killer, the head money on Akram Lahori may well add up to 90 lakh rupees.

    A manual issued by the Crime Investigation Department (CID), Punjab, listing the “the most dangerous terrorists” describes Lahori, who is also Riaz Basra’s brother-in-law, as between 32 and 33 years of age, 6 foot one inch tall with a heavy build and fair complexion. Ironically for a man believed responsible for masterminding and committing scores of cold-blooded murders, he is also mentioned as being “extremely soft-spoken.” According to the manual, Lahori was last seen in November 1999 in Lahore.

    Following a steep increase in sectarian murders over the past few years, including some horrific massacres of worshippers in mosques, a ban had been announced on the Lashkar-e-Jhangvi (LJ), and the Shia sectarian organisation Sipah-e-Mohammed back in August 2001. Nevertheless, until January 12, 2002, when President Musharraf also banned their respective parent organisations, the Sipah-e-Sahaba Pakistan (SSP) and the Tehrik-e-Jaffaria Pakistan (TJP), along with Jaish-e-Mohammed, Lashkar-e-Taiba and Tanzeem-e-Nifaz-e-Shariat-e-Mohammedi, activists of both outfits continued to be provided safe havens in imposing madrassas that were veritable states within the state. To add insult to injury, police mobiles used to be stationed outside the premises of all major extremist organisations’ offices for “protection” of those within, while innocent, unarmed citizens outside paid with their lives. Says a senior police official: “Our officers were very careful and diplomatic in their investigations, so no real threat was created for jihadi and sectarian organisations. In fact, the police automatically refrained when they saw the involvement of a major extremist organisation; individuals were a different story. If we took any action against SSP activists, they would start contacting different tiers in the government and drum up so much support that we would be compelled to retreat.”

    During December 2000, when SSP activists resorted to violence and vandalism upon being prevented from taking out a procession in Gulshan-e-Iqbal, they were promptly arrested by the then SSP East, Captain Mir Zubair. Shortly after, he received orders to free the detainees. Upon his refusal to comply, a top police official, who was himself reportedly following directives from intelligence sources, personally intervened to ensure the men’s release. SSP Zubair was transferred from his post within the next few weeks.

    Over the years, the sponsoring of jihadi organisations in the country by intelligence agencies to further foreign policy objectives had given rise to a culture of extreme religious myopia, and with the easy accessibility of weapons, activists of these organisations began to literally get away with murder and other heinous crimes. Says a federal law-enforcement official: “The intelligence agencies were not directly giving shelter to sectarian outfits; these were taking advantage of the support for the jihadi groups and using it to fight their own proxy wars. There were two aspects to this situation; one was not approved by the public or the state, while the other was state-sponsored.”

    According to another official, “There was a method to this madness. When Vajpayee came to Lahore during Nawaz Sharif’s time, right-wing parties, such as the Jamaat-i-Islami protested strongly. The establishment did not support the government’s policy at the time. Now, although Musharraf is prepared to offer much more, there are no agitational politics apart from a few statements in the newspapers. Why?”

    The situation today has indeed changed dramatically. Gone are the police mobiles positioned outside places such as the SSP’s headquarters at Nagan Chowrangi. “There was a time when even 20 mobiles could have gone there and done nothing against them because of the party’s links with jihadi organisations and some members of the establishment,” says a federal law-enforcement official. “Yet on the day of the crackdown, two mobiles were enough to haul off to jail all those present at the Nagan Chowrangi office and seal the premises. In fact, we encountered no resistance anywhere.”

    According to sources, some SSP activists said that had only the Sunni organisations been targeted while the Shia ones continued their business unhindered, there would have been a strong reaction. The deafening silence from the public over the action also helped render the operation fairly smooth. As undoubtedly did the fact that the MQM is delighted with the crackdown against the religious parties that had seduced many of their supporters and hard-core militants into deserting their ranks and joining the jihadi organisations. Sources disclose that MQM militants began to switch over to jihadi organisations when “they realised that having a beard in Pakistan gave them a licence to get away with virtually anything.” As a result, the funds which they gleaned from various means, including extortion, and the sale of sacrificial hides collected during Eidul Azha – one of the major sources of revenue – had dried up considerably, instead going into the kittys of the religious organisations whose militants were too numerous for the MQM activists to counter.

    In the ongoing operation, around 2000 activists belonging to the five banned organisations have so far been arrested and detained under the Maintenance of Public Order (MPO) across the country, including approximately 300 in Karachi. It was only once before that such a crackdown was launched against sectarian organisations and that was ordered by Shahbaz Sharif in the mid-’90s in the Punjab, in retaliation for which the Sipah-e-Sahaba carried out an abortive assassination attempt on the then Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif. For the first time, head money was placed on various wanted sectarian terrorists by the Punjab police. At the top of the list was Riaz Basra, chief of one faction of the LJ on whose arrest 50 lakh rupees has been offered as reward money. A few months ago, Basra was reportedly arrested from Faisalabad on information obtained from another terrorist with 10 lakh rupees head money. Although his arrest has not yet been formally announced, police sources say that he is, in all probability, in the custody of intelligence agencies. After the action in the Punjab, the LJ, in respect of training if not operations, moved to Afghanistan, where the Taliban welcomed it with open arms. According to the Deputy Superintendent of Police, Farooq Awan, Crime Investigation Department (CID), Sindh, “The Taliban had given Qari Hye, who leads a rival faction of the Lashkar, an office in their defence ministry. The US war on Afghanistan has done incalculable damage to the organisation. Now neither Afghanistan nor the madrassas in Pakistan can afford it a safe haven.”

    The ban ensures that when and if these activists are released, their activities will be severely curtailed. They will not be permitted to make speeches, take out rallies, display their parties’ flags, operate bank accounts belonging to their organisations or print propagandist literature in their name. Most crucial for them perhaps, they will no longer be able to openly solicit any funds, which they have done over the years in contravention of the Charitable Funds (Regulation of Collections) Act, 1953, that expressly forbids collection for charitable funds without approval from the relevant government authority. The penalty for violation of this Act is imprisonment for up to six months and/or a fine. However, as the hundreds of donation boxes placed at various points in all 106 districts across the country were evidence, any legal niceties were given short shrift by the organisations themselves while the authorities also turned a blind eye. Other lucrative sources of income for the extremist organisations were the practice of extortion (‘bhatta’) from commercial establishments, “qabza” (illegally occupied) properties besides of course, the sale of hides of animals sacrificed at the festival of Eidul Azha, which will be celebrated later this month.

    The paltry amounts of money discovered in the seized donation boxes as well as in the frozen bank accounts indicate that the organisations had foreseen the ban and taken preemptive action. “US pressure on the Pakistan government after September 11 had led to the freezing of over 50 accounts belonging to Afghan and pro-Afghan organisations such as Harkatul Mujahideen and Jaish-e-Mohammed,” says a source. “It was quite logical for other militant organisations to conclude that the government may do the same with them so most withdrew the contents of their accounts.” Besides their aggressive fund collection drives within the country, militant organisations are aflush with contributions from Deobandi school acolytes from Saudi Arabia and have also been raising funds in the UK, US and the Gulf countries. “The bank accounts held by the Jaish-e-Mohammed alone in various banks amounted to 172,813,000 rupees some time before they were frozen,” reveals a source. However, when action was taken late last year, only a fraction of this amount was discovered. For instance, one of Jaish-e-Mohammed’s accounts, in the Muslim Commercial Bank Peshawar branch, contained only 900 rupees. “These groups may have either transferred the money to unknown places or deposited it in the name of their low-key supporters who also had the cover of business concerns,” contends another source.

    However, it is pertinent to note that much of the transactions also took place on an informal level. When the SSP’s Karachi finance secretary was arrested after the murder of Sunni Tehreek chief Saleem Qadri, he revealed that his organisation received 32 lakh rupees a year from Karachi for the purposes of posting bail, assisting its imprisoned activists and the families of deceased activists. This entire amount was reportedly kept as “amanat” (safe custody) with one Maulvi Saadur Rehman, head of a religious school in Karachi and the withdrawals were made through written messages. According to the finance secretary, some time before the SSP activist Arshad Polka was shot dead in the aftermath of Saleem Qadri’s murder, he was caught with an unlicenced pistol. The 20,000 rupees bribe allegedly given to the police to let him off was also obtained from Maulvi Rehman. The lawyers fighting the cases of arrested LJ activists are also paid from this source. Even where the transfer of large amounts of money from foreign countries is concerned, the traditional method of hundi is preferred over formal bank transfers.

    Another indication of the fact that the ban did not come as a surprise was the fact that at the concerned organisations’ offices, even at their headquarters which were usually bristling with arms, virtually no weapons were recovered. Madrassas such as Jamia Farooqia used to be akin to forts, where the minarets served as lookouts for armed guards. Speculates a police official: “They must have stashed their weapons away with people sympathetic to their cause. Although we have not yet recovered any substantial cache of arms, they are out there somewhere and we will find them one day.” He adds that while unregistered weapons were used in crimes, many of the weapons that were openly displayed and were ostensibly for security purposes were registered. “In fact, armed intelligence agency personnel accompanied the entourage of Jaish-e-Mohammed chief Masood Azhar.”

    Despite the low recovery of weapons or funds in this latest operation, the arrest of significantly larger numbers of activists that has been continuing since August 2001 when the LJ and the Sipah-e-Mohammed were banned has led to some light being shed on some hitherto unsolved murders. When Dilawar Hussain (head money five lakh rupees) was taken into custody, he told the police that one Abu Bakr alias Chacha, a British national of Pakistani origin, had arrived in Pakistan from London en route to the LJ’s training camp at Sarobi, Afghanistan where he had donated about eight lakh rupees to Qari Hye’s faction. Before he left for London last year, Abu Bakr expressed his wish to participate in “physical jihad”. Asif Ramzi, chief of Qari Hye’s faction in Karachi, selected the target and provided him with the weapon and the car for the operation.

    Accompanied by two others, including Dilawar, Abu Bakr in a drive, by shooting outside Jamia Imamia in Gulbahar, Karachi, killed a cook employed at the madrassa and one of the students. This was reportedly the first crime by LJ terrorists in which a silencer was used. While Ramzi remains a hunted man, the driver of the car, Rashid Andha, who had a price of five lakh rupees on his head, has since been apprehended through an informant’s tip. Abu Bakr returned to London after the incident, but there is no confirmation whether he remained there or returned to Afghanistan to fight alongside the Taliban against the US forces.

    Although the crackdown has so far been a fairly comprehensive one, and may well bring about a decrease in sectarian killings, there are splinter groups that operate according to their own agenda and are thus difficult to preempt. For instance, a group of four Shia men, Qasim Zaidi, Hasan, Mushtaq and Mehdi Hasan, were arrested in connection with a firing incident at Rehmania madrassa in which four people were killed. When they were interrogated, it was found that they were not, as might have been expected, members of Sipah-e-Mohammed, the TJP’s militant wing. Although they confessed to the murders, they maintained that they had decided to commit them because they were enraged by the frequent sectarian killings of fellow Shias. According to a senior police official, “The Sipah-e-Mohammed is not such a cohesive force as it was until about 1995. It was very active then and worked under various different names such as Pasban-e-Islam, Sipah-e-Imam-e-Zamana. Then many of their leaders were arrested in 1996 in Karachi. Their main leader, Zulqarnain Haider, is still at large.”

    For many terrorists, the driving force is their twisted concept of jihad rather than any material gain from their actions. Shahid Mufti, for instance, was paid only 500 rupees a month plus some more for expenses if he required. When he was arrested, along with Talha, he expressed no remorse for taking so many lives; on the contrary, he spoke of his “accomplishments” with pride. Such sentiments are openly expressed in publications such as LJ’s Intiqam-e-Haq, in which the organisation flaunts its role in sectarian murders.

    Meanwhile, the Sunni Tehreek, which is a Barelvi organisation unlike the SSP, LJ and the other jihadi organisations that belong to the Deobandi sect, has been placed under observation. In the words of a police official, “That’s probably the most uncomfortable situation to be in. The SSP and TJP were earlier under observation and now they’re banned; the Sunni Tehreek knows they can’t take this lightly.” He says that although the party was initially a terrorist wing of the MQM, it is now mainly engaged in taking over mosques of other sects and building mosques on encroached land. “Nevertheless, you can be sure that their dossiers are being compiled and their phones tapped.”

    While the government appears to be serious in its aim of putting an end to the politics of extremism, merely arresting the militant cadres of the offending organisations will not prove to be enough. They cannot be kept behind bars for an indefinite period under the MPO. A sea change needs to be brought about at the grass roots level so that no more of the country’s youth is drawn into their ranks. The forthcoming festival of Eidul Azha will be the first real test for the military government, for this is the occasion when militant outfits fill their coffers with the sale of sacrificial hides. If the interior ministry’s estimate that approximately 5000 militants belong to the five banned organisations is correct, one can safely assume there will still be many more takers for the hides.

    Related articles from the February 2002 cover story.

  15. Sunni Tehrik Chief, six others shot dead in Karachi

    KARACHI, May 18: Sunni Tehrik chief Maulana Saleem Qadri and five of his associates were shot dead and three others wounded when six unidentified attackers ambushed their vehicle in Baldia Town on Friday.

    One of the assailants was also killed when the wounded police guard of the ST leader, Hafeez Qadri, returned the fire.

    The dead were identified as Anis Qadri, 23; and Altaf Husain, 40; nephew and brother-in-law of Maulana Qadri, respectively; Ibrahim Qadri, 30; van driver Abid Baloch, 30; and constable Hafeez Qadri. The wounded included Ahmed Raza, 7; and Owais, 6; sons of Maulana Qadri, and nephew Bilal, 13.

    Witnesses and the police said that the ST leader and his companions were going in their double-cabin van (EF-0779) to Noor Masjid in Rasheedabad No 7 for Juma prayers when the armed men riding three motorcycles intercepted them and sprayed the van with bullets from three sides.

    The assailants then drove away, leaving the victims in a pool of blood. They were taken to the Civil Hospital in private vehicles. Maulana Qadri, Altaf Husain, Ibrahim and driver Abid Baloch were declared dead on arrival at the hospital, sources said. Anis Qadri died after awhile. Hafeez, the guard, was shifted to the Jinnah Postgraduate Medical Centre where he was pronounced dead.

    The attacker killed was identified as Arshad, sources said. The deputy commissioner of West, Roshan Ali Shaikh, told Dawn that the attackers were well-trained and they targeted the heads of their victims.

    The DC said that although some angry people had taken to the streets in some of the localities, the overall law and order situation was under control. Maulana Qadri, he said, had been provided with four guards but he had taken only one of them with him, leaving the rest at his residence.

    He said sketches of the assailants were being prepared with the help of witnesses. The news spread like a jungle fire, and the people of the area, most of them followers of the Sunni Tehrik, rushed to the scene of the ambush. The atmosphere got tense and some of the enraged people set some old tyres on fire.

    The police and the law enforcement agencies arrived at the spot and cordoned of the troubled area. The SDM of Baldia Town, Ghulam Husain Memon, told Dawn that at least six armed men on three motorcycles had attacked Maulana Qadri’s vehicle.

    The bullet-riddled van, towed to the Baldia Town police station, had all its windowpanes smashed and seats soaked with blood. People said Maulana Qadri used to lead Juma prayers at Noor Masjid and he usually took the same route to the mosque. A number of the ST activists gathered at the Civil Hospital, where the police closed the gates to the casualty ward.

    The situation went of control when Iqbal Qadri, elder brother of Maulana Qadri, fell unconscious and was taken to the emergency ward. Enraged people outside the emergency ward chanted slogans against the government before they forcibly entered the ward. They ransacked the ward, forcing the doctors to run away. The police resorted to teargas shelling to disperse the mob. The condition of many patients at different wards deteriorated due to shelling and they were provided with oxygen.

    The mob then moved to Baba-i-Urdu Road, Chand Bibi Road, M.A. Jinnah Road and other surrounding roads where they pelted the vehicles with stones, and forced the shopkeepers to close down their shops. Windscreens of over 24 of the parked vehicles at the Civil Hospital were smashed. The windowpanes of the vehicle of SSP South (SP-1246) were also smashed.

    Qadri’s murder:Jihad veterans add violence to intra-Sunni rift
    KARACHI: The Karachi police officials believe that a new chapter of “intra-Sunni” violence has been added to the prevalent sectarian tension in the country after they discovered that the six gunmen who ambushed Maulana Qadri and his guards Friday belonged to a rival militant Sunni organisation earlier known exclusively for its armed strikes against the Shia sect.

    A senior police source has disclosed to The News that one of the assailants who was killed in a brief exchange of fire with Maulana Qadri’s guards had been identified as Arshad Khan alias Polka, an activist of the best known anti-Shia Sunni group. Police said that Arshad Khan, according his family sources, had also participated in Jihad inside Indian-occupied Kashmir with a new Jihadi, but one of the most potent, outfit last year.

    Senior intelligence officials had earlier believed that the elements who participated in Jihad across the borders in Kashmir had never been involved in violence, particularly that relates to sectarian issues, inside Pakistan. The Jihadi organisations routinely claim that they had no interest in local political or religious issues.

    Security officials said that they had received reports that various Jihadi elements had broken ranks with their Jihad-focussed organisations to form independent armed groups committed to settle scores with their religious rivals in the country. These sources believed that these elements drew financial, material and ideological support from Riaz Basra, Pakistan’s most wanted militant believed to be hiding in Afghanistan.

    Top police and intelligence officials agree that the Friday’s incident was the most dangerous incident of violence ever reported in the country after years long simmering of intra-sunni friction based on Deobandi and Bralevi schools of thought. The entire Jihadi cadre of religious elements in Pakistan almost exclusively belonged to the Deobandi school of thought while the Bralevis abstained from Jehadi or anti-Shia militant activities.

    Analysts noted with interest that Maulana Salim Qadri, the head of the Sunni Tehrik which in recent years had emerged as the flag-bearer religious organisation for Sunni Bralevis in Pakistan was targeted on May 18 which interestingly marked the first death anniversary of Maulana Yusuf Ludhianvi, a non-political religious scholar of international repute for the Deobandi Sunni all over the subcontinent. Maulana Ludhianvi had been ambushed in an identical manner on way to the famous New Town mosque and madrassa same day last year.

    The funeral processions of both Maulana Ludhianve and Maulana Qadri, attended by tens of thousands of charged religious activists, remained the biggest in the recent history of Karachi, which in seventies and eighties had served as a stronghold of the religious parties. During that period Jamaat-i-Islami (JI) and various factions of Jamiat-ul Ulama-e-Islam (JUI) had represented the religious Deobandi cardre, while various groups of Jamiatul Ulama-e-Pakistan had represented Karachi’s Sunni Bralevis people on the national political front.

    Police sources said that the Friday’s tragic killing capped months of tension between the Bralevi and Deobandi activists on the issues ranging from control of mosques to the collection of donations across the country particularly in Karachi which had seen a sudden increase in recruitment for Jihad and Jihadi donation activities.

    These sources said that at present severe tension existed between the Deobandi and Bralevi militants over the control of mosque in the densely populated neighborhoods from Orangi Town in district West to Korangi in district East of Karachi.

    Federal officials are particularly concerned at this particular incident of religious terrorism as it came only a few weeks before the final two phases of local government elections that involve holding of polls in all major cities of the country. These officials say that uncertainty that has heightened religious tension may minimise polls related activities and may have an impact on the polls turnout.

    While the killing of six people including Maulana Salim Qadri is the first high profile case of intra-Sunni terrorism, the sectarian tension between Sunnis and Shias in the country has left at least 450 people killed in at least 125 cases of religious terrorism in the country since the military take-over in October 1999.

    Tension in Patel Para as Qadri’s alleged killer buried
    KARACHI May 21: Tension gripped the entire Business Recorder Road and its adjoining Patel Para vicinity when the body of Arshad Ali, an activist of Sipah-e-Sahaba Pakistan (SSP), was shifted to his home on Monday. Arshad lost his life mysteriously in an ambush that left Sunni Tehreek chief Salim Qadri and his four aides dead and three minors wounded.

    Some emotionally charged youth created law and order situation by pelting stones on moving vehicles forcing suspension of the traffic and closure of the main city artery for many hours. Heavily armed contingents of police and Rangers cordoned off the entire area till Namaz-e-Janazah of the victim and his funeral procession. Sources from the religious circles said that some family members including Muhammad Ali, father of the victim, received the body from Edhi Home Sohrab Goth early on Monday.

    Law enforcers were deputed at different entry points to divert the traffic to other routes to avert any loss of vehicles or human lives. The traffic was affected from First Chowrangi Nazimabad to Guru Mandir; from Tin Hatti to Guru Mandir; and from Mazar-e-Quaid to Guru Mandir for a period from noon till late in the night.

    The funeral prayers were offered at the Subhani Masjid in Patel Para, which was largely attended by the leaders of religious and Jihadi organisations. Following the Namaz-e-Janazah, the funeral was taken to the Essa Nagri Graveyard near Old Sabzi Mandi. Some participants of the funeral were raising slogans against the government, police, administration and rival groups.

    “No incident of stone pelting took place during funeral procession or burial,” DIG Tariq Jamil told The News. “Though the traffic was suspended due to the funeral but that caused no serious problem,” he added. The SSP East, Rehmat Khan Masood, also endorsed his chief’s statement, saying: “There was nothing to be considered as a law and order situation.”

    In a related development, heirs of Salim Qadri distributed copies of the FIR lodged by Iqbal Qadri, elder brother of the slain ST leader, in connection with the killing of Salim Qadri and his four aides, holding Arshad, an activist of a rival organisation, as responsible.

    In his complaint, registered on May 18, vide FIR 73/2001 with Baldia Town police, Iqbal said that his brother used to lead the Jumma prayers at the Noorani Mosque in Mohajir Camp No VII, Baldia Town. He said when they reached near the mosque, armed assailants ambushed the vehicle from three directions and killed Salim and four others.

    Iqbal claimed that one of the assassins was also killed when Salim’s gunman returned the fire. He was later identified as Arshad alias Polka, affiliated with rival religious organisation SSP and Jihadi organisation, Jaish-e-Muhammad. The complainant claimed that his brother and aides were gunned down by Arshad and his comrades.

    On Monday, some senior Sunni Tehreek leaders threatened that the situation might turn more dangerous. Addressing various groups of followers and mourners of the ST leader, Maulana Iftikhar Bhatti, Maulana Akram Qadri and Maulana Abbas Qadri said that there could be more violence if the authorities failed to catch those responsible for the killing.

    SSP DENIES CHARGES: The Sipah-e-Sahaba Pakistan (SSP) has denied the charges, terming the whole episode a drama instigated by the agencies sponsored by the government. Member Markazi Shoorah of the SSP and Deputy Secretary Information Karachi, Hafiz Abu Atique-ur-Rehman, who is also president of the party in District East, when contacted by The News said: “It is a drama of the agencies and the government. We have repeatedly said that Arshad was our activist and was kidnapped from the limits of Soldier Bazaar police. We have never opposed any Sunni sect and are only against the Shias. Even then we have never been involved in killing any Shia. We believe in negotiations and arguments and have nothing to do with killings.”

    Clue found to killers of Sunni Tehrik leader
    KARACHI, May 21: The Sindh governor, Mohammedmian Soomro, on Monday, described the killing of Sunni Tehrik leader, Saleem Qadri and five others as “very sad”, and said that no effort would be spared to bring the assassins to book.

    Talking to journalists after the oath-administration ceremony of his new cabinet minister at the Governor’s House, Mr Soomro said that the government was making all-out efforts to maintain peace, harmony and tranquillity in the city and to check these kind of killings, the support and assistance of the community as a whole was required.

    He pointed out that when personal enmities get involved, there is little the government can do. It is here that community involvement becomes essential.

    “We will do everything possible, but the community’s role is equally important. The people should practice tolerance as the government alone cannot do everything.”

    He told a questioner that the police have made some headway in investigations concerning the assassination of the ST leader, but it would be premature to say anything at this stage. He said that as soon as details were made available, they would be divulged.

    To a question, he pointed out that a co-ordinated process is underway for the de-weaponization of society and to check sectarian feelings. When asked about the water situation in the province, the governor said that it had improved.

    He said Sindh had no water dispute with Punjab and whatever differences there were had been sorted out.

    In reply to a question, the governor said that if need be, the cabinet could be further expanded and that he was satisfied with the performance of his ministers.

    As regards the finalization of arrangements for the forthcoming local bodies elections, with particular reference to law and order, the governor said that the government and administration were making co-ordinated arrangements and the process was going on as per schedule.

    He said that the previous two elections were held in a peaceful and transparent manner and that the May 31 elections, too, would be peaceful.

    He hoped that the turn-out of voters would be larger and pointed out that a large number of people had filed nomination papers and the ratio had been very good.

    When asked whether he was satisfied with the development process going on in the province, the governor said that the same was being done within the available resources.

    He said that various areas were neglected in the past because of resource constraints but now the situation had improved somewhat. He looked forward to co-ordination with those elected.

    The governor said that the development process would be further accelerated, provided resources were made available.-APP

    SC dismisses appeal in Saleem Qadri murder case

    KARACHI: A bench of Supreme Court of Pakistan comprising Justice Abdul Hameed Dogar, Justice Hamid Ali Mirza and Justice Karamat Nazeer Bhandari on Wednesday dismissed a state appeal assailing acquittal of an accused in murder case of Sunni Tehrik leader Muhammad Saleem Qadri.

    The state went into an appeal against the judgment of an Anti-Terrorism Appellate (ATA) bench of SHC comprising Justice Rahmat Hussain Jafry and Justice Ali Sain Dino Metlo, which acquitted Muhammad Faisal alias Pehalwan, an alleged activist of banned outfit Lashkar-e-Jhangvi.

    According to the prosecution, unidentified gunmen ambushed car of ST leader on May 18, 2001.

    Saleem Qadri chief of ST, Altaf Junejo, Anees Qadri and driver Abid Baloch died while Hafeez Raza, gunman, Ahmed Raza, Owais Raza and Bilal Raza sustained injuries in the incident.

    The accused was tried and sentenced by the ATC against which he preferred an appeal.

    The apex court bench after hearing the counsel for appellant and respondent upheld the judgment by SHC dismissing the state’s appeal.

  16. February 03-09, 2012 – Vol. XXIII, No. 50


    In This Week
    Civil-military jurisdictions
    ANALYSIS: ‘Restraint’ must follow ‘activism’
    REPORT: Attacks on Sufi shrines signify new conflict in Pashtun lands
    REPORT: The Other Guy’s Endgame – Part II
    ANALYSIS: Mullah, the Talib and Pashtun society
    ANALYSIS: Do the Taliban represent Pashtuns?
    REPORT: Two rallies that shook Sindh
    INTERVIEW: ‘The historical strategy of transfering power without authority to civilians is no longer tenable’
    REVIEW: ‘Where time and history could be held at bay’
    SCENE: O Maya
    MEMOIR: Our friends across the seas – Part I
    VIEW: Twist and Shout
    SCENE: Children’s hour
    SCENE: Lost at the Jaipur Kumbh
    PROFILE: The Parachas of Quetta
    DESIGN: The Nizam’s Jewels
    PHOTO ARCHIVE: Rajit Singh’s Tomb (c1860)


    Hot Features


    The waves of revolution recede
    By Waris Husain
    The laws of nature frequently offer enduring lessons that can be used to understand the ever-changing nature of global politics…. read more

    Javed Hashmi: big catch for PTI or inconsequential loss for PML-N?
    By Tariq Bashir
    Women young and old, many closely related to Muslim League-Nawaz leadership. …. read more

    Reshuffling a torn deck of cards: Can it solve the problem?
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    Audio Archive

    Zulqarnain’s Audio Archive

    Artiste: Iqbal Begum of Lyallpur
    Track: Mera joban nava nikor

    Artiste: Ustad Barkat Ali Khan
    Track: Ja Channa

    See full archive

    Najam Sethi’s Talk Shows

    Aapas ki Baat – Najam Sethi k Sath (1st Feb 2012 Part 1/3)
    Geo Tv

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    Good Times

    Report By Zia Ur Rehman
    TFT special

    While most Pashtuns see tombs of Sufi saints as symbols of pluralism and spirituality, the Taliban want to raze them and build a new Muslim identity

    Attacks on Sufi shrines signify new conflict in Pashtun lands

    4 3

    Locals gather at the bombed shrine of Sufi poet Rehman Baba

    Although Sufi shrines have frequently been the targets of terrorist attacks in the entire country, the Pashtun regions (consisting of Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, the Pakistani tribal areas, and adjacent regions in Afghanistan) have witnessed a significant rise in such attacks in the last five years.

    In the most recent attacks, Taliban targeted the shrines of Sufi saints Sheikh Nisa Baba and Sheikh Bahadur Baba in Khyber Agency on December 11. They also killed the caretaker of the shrine of another saint Baisai Baba in the same tribal agency.

    At least 56 people were killed in a suicide attack at the gate of Abul Fazil’s shrine in Kabul, Afghanistan, on December 7. All the victims were Shia mourners and a majority of them were children.

    Sufism has a deep influence on the Pashtun society and a large number of Sufi shrines dot the landscape of Pashtun dominated areas. Sahibzada Amir Muhammad, a Kabul-based Sufi preacher, claims that although suppressed by the Taliban, Sufism is re-emerging in Afghanistan.

    Experts link attacks on Sufi shrines to the arrival of Arab militants in Afghanistan; a large number of madrassas funded by donors in Arab countries are also seen to be in conflict with local Sufi Islam
    “Thousands of Arab militants who arrived in Afghanistan under the leadership of Al Qaeda’s Osama bin Laden brought with them foreign ideologies, especially Wahabism,” he said. Wahabism’s hard-line interpretation of Islam sees Sufism and its practices as un-Islamic. During the five-year rule of the Taliban, many Sufis and their followers were compelled to go underground or abandon their faith, he added. The December 7 attack comes despite orders by Taliban supreme commander Mullah Omar not to attack civilians, and indicates Al Qaeda-linked militants are not under his direct operational control.

    Security experts and Sufi leaders in Pakistan also link the attacks on Sufi shrines with the arrival of Arab militants in Afghanistan and their alliance with Afghan and Pakistani Taliban. A large number of madrassas funded by donors in Arab countries are also seen to be in conflict with local Sufi Islam. The Taliban see the attacks on shrines and other cultural symbols as attempts at constructing a new culture and a new identity.

    The attacks began many years ago with Tehreek-e-Taliban Pakistan and Lashkar-e-Islam’s targeting of tombs of great Sufi saints in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa and FATA. The shrines of Hazrat Rehman Baba, Abdul Shakoor Malang Baba, Hazrat Abu Saeed Baba, Mian Umer Baba and Malang Baba were attacked and desecrated, while that of Hazrat Sayyad Ali Tirmizi, commonly known as Pir Baba in Buner, was locked. The mausoleum of famous freedom fighter Haji Sahib Tarangzai in Mohmand Agency was captured and converted into Taliban headquarters.

    Pir Noorul Haq Qadri, an adherent of Sufism, has been elected from Khyber Agency twice, although most locals belong to the Deobandi school of thought. His brother, cousin and uncle were killed in 2008. Their graves were desecrated
    Soon the militants also started targeting shrines in urban Pakistan. These attacks were timed and planned to kill as many devotees as possible. More than 25 shrines across the country have been attacked since 2005, and 200 devotees have been killed. In July 2010, the shrine of Sufi saint Data Ganj Baksh Hajveri in Lahore was attacked by two suicide bombers. At least 45 devotees were killed and dozens others injured. A suicide attack on the shrine of Sufi saint Abdullah Shah Ghazi in Karachi killed another nine people in October 2010. An attack on Baba Farid Shakarganj’s shrine in Pakpattan in October that year left another seven people dead.

    The March 5, 2009 attack on the mausoleum of Rehman Baba, a revered Pashto Sufi poet of the 17th century, was widely condemned in both Pakistan and Afghanistan. Thousands of people visited the shrine after the bombing. Many were seen weeping. A day after the attack on Rehman Baba’s tomb, the shrine of another revered spiritual figure, Bahadur Baba, was targeted by missiles.

    “They are desecrating the graves of Sufi saints and poets loved by Pashtuns and it is an attempt to provoke them,” says Yousaf Ali Dilsoz, president of Rehman Baba Adabi Jirga. “Those Sufis are icons of Pashtun spirituality and their love for peace and tolerance is a guiding principle for all of us. The militants want to destroy our identity. They present Pashtuns to the world as an uncivilized nation.”

    “Sufi saints like Rehman Baba are symbols of pluralism and collective aesthetics of the Pashtun society,” said Khadim Hussain, a political expert and director of Baacha Khan Trust Educational Foundation. “Several militant ideologues have been making consistent efforts to impose a single interpretation of religion on the entire Muslim world.”

    Almost all attacks on shrines in Khyber Agency and Peshawar have been claimed by Lashkar-e-Islam, a Khyber agency-based militant group that follows Deobandi and Panjpiri creeds. Pir Noorul Haq Qadri, an adherent of Sufism living in Landi Kotal, has been elected from Khyber Agency twice, although most locals belong to the Deobandi school of thought. “That clearly shows that Pashtuns respect the adherents of Sufism and have nothing to do with the attacks against them,” a local tribal elder said. Qadri’s three close relatives – brother Humayun Qadri, cousin Nooruddin Qadri and uncle Abdul Azeem Qadri – were killed by militants on April 21, 2008. Their graves were desecrated.

    Muhammad Fayyaz Khan, a central leader of Jamiat Ulema-e-Pakistan in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, said despite the recent attacks on Sufi shrines, security has not been improved. “Devotees are concerned about their safety when they visit the shrines especially in the mountainous areas of Khyber Pakhtunkhwa and FATA. The caretakers and other people associated with the shrines are being threatened by the militants.”

  17. Three SSP terrorists arrested in Karachi on 3 Feb 2012: They killed Shias, Barelvis and Ahmadis. Will the ISI-backed judiciary sentence them to death?

    Behind bars: CID arrests three suspects for Shia killings
    By Our Correspondent
    Published: February 3, 2012

    Police say the men confess their involvement in a dozen murders. PHOTO: FILE/ABID NAWAZ/ EXPRESS
    The authorities claim to have arrested three suspects involved in the recent murders of Shia lawyers in Karachi.
    The suspects were identified as Muhammad Taufeeq Ansari, Salahuddin Israel and Maulana Muhammad Rashid. They were arrested in an encounter with the Crime Investigation Department (CID) on Wednesday night. According to CID SSP Chaudhry Aslam Khan, the suspects were affiliated with the banned Sipah-e-Sahaba Pakistan. He said that the men had arrived in Mauripur, along the Hawksbay Road, for a meeting on their motorcycles. “We have been on the hunt for these suspects for quite a while,” he said. “Ansari was arrested before for killing Shias.” He added that when the suspects attacked the lawyers at Pakistan Chowk, their main targets were Kafeel Jaffri and Babar Ali.
    The police said that during the interrogation, the men had confessed to being involved in 12 murders, including the three Shia lawyers on January 19, City Court typist Mukhtar Abbas, Maulana Abdul Kareem Naqashbandi in 2005 and the attack on an Ahmediyya doctor in 2004. They added that the suspects were making plans to kill a Shia scholar, two doctors and a man who followed up on court cases involving the Shia murders. At least seven lawyers were killed in January and in most cases they were targeted near the courts or their offices and shot with 9mm pistols.
    The police seized three AK-47 rifles, three 9mm pistols, five hand grenades, two TT pistols, 150 bullets and two motorcycles from them. According to Aslam, these men often made it out of the cases as the witnesses refused to testify in court. He said that they will take the militants to the anti-terrorism court.
    Lawyers react
    While commenting on the arrest of the suspects, the president of the Supreme Court Bar Association of Pakistan, Muhammad Yasin Khan Azad, told The Express Tribune that it was commendable progress. He said that this was the first case in which the bar association took an initiative and called for a countrywide strike. He added that the suo motu action taken by the chief justice of the Sindh High Court and the prime minister’s announcement of a reward for information on the arrest had proved to be helpful.
    The honorary secretary of the Karachi Bar Association (KBA), Khalid Mumtaz, said that the Sindh IG had promised to arrest the suspects in a week and he had kept the promise. He added that the arrests must have been made on the basis of some solid information and leads. The former vice chairperson of the Sindh Bar Council, Iftikhar Javed Kazi, said that it was good news if the real suspects were arrested.
    Published in The Express Tribune, February 3rd, 2012.

    February 03, 2012

    Share | |
    Three SSP men involved in several murders nabbed

    KARACHI: Anti-Extremism Cell (AEC) of the Crime Investigation Department (CID) on Thursday claimed to have arrested three alleged members of banned Sipah-e-Sahaba Pakistan (SSP) for killing over a dozen of persons on sectarian bias. A team, headed by SSP Chaudhry Aslam, raided a place at Hawks Bay Road near Mauripur truck stand on a tip-off and detained three alleged target killers, including Muhammad Taufeeq Ansari, Salahuddin alias Israel and Maulana Muhammad Danish. The team also recovered three kalashnikovs, three 9mm pistols, five hand grenades, three TT pistols and over 150 rounds from their possession. SSP Aslam said that the accused, during initial course of investigation, confessed to have killed over a dozen people, including three lawyers in Aram Bagh. He said that the detained persons in their statement revealed that they wanted to target Kafil and Babar only, however Badar Munir and his son came in the line of fire. The arrested activists of banned SSP also confessed to have murdered Advocate Mukhtiar Bukhari for representing several cases of Shias in courts. SP Aslam said that they also targeted a Qadyani doctor Zakir and two Sunni Tehreek activists, including Maulana Abdul Kareem Naqshbandi and Qari Habib in 2011. He informed that the accused also had the names of Shia leader Syed Allama Jaffar Subhani and Advocate Tasawwar Hussain in their hit list. Cases were registered against all accused and further investigation was underway. staff report

    CID arrests three for ‘killing Shia lawyers’
    News Comments (2)
    Staff Report 14 hrs ago | Comments (2)

    KARACHI – The Crime Investigation Department (CID) on Thursday arrested three alleged target killers of the banned Sipah-e-Sahaba Pakistan (SSP) involved in the murder of three Shia lawyers at Pakistan Chowk and others religious scholars.
    Addressing a press conference, CID’s Chaudhry Aslam said a huge cache of weapons was also recovered from the detainees during a raid at the Truck Adda, Hawkesbay Road, Mauripur.
    He said the arrested “targeted killers” were identified as Salahuddin Israel, Maulana Muhammad Rashid and Muhammad Taufique Ansari.
    He also said the detainees had admitted killing three Shia lawyers at Pakistan Chowk a few days ago.
    He further said the detainees claimed that they wanted to kill Kafeel and Babar Shah, but when they saw two more lawyers in the vehicle, they tried to kill all of them.
    The Sindh home minister had announced Rs 1 million as head money for arresting or identifying the lawyers’ killers, Aslam added.
    He said the detainees had killed another Shia lawyer Mukhtiar Abbas Bukhari last year in Sheesha Gali, Bohra Pir.
    He also said a noha khawan Kashif Ali was killed in Bheempura, a Shia battery seller Amir Ali in the Garden area, a Shia typist Kausar Zaidi at the city courts, and another Shia man Ansar Ali in Sultanabad last year by the accused men.
    He further said the detainees admitted attacking Maulana Abdul Karim Naqshbandi in 2004 and injuring him because he is affiliated with the Sunni Tehreek.
    “They also attacked an Ahmadi Dr Badar in Moosa Lane in 2004, injured Saleh Zikri at the Kamela Mama Hotel in 2005, and killed Maulana Abdul Karim Naqshbandi in Moosa Lane in 2005 and Qari Habib outside Kalri’s Faizan-e-Aulia Masjid the same year,” he added.
    Aslam said the arrested “target killers” had also revealed their next targets, which include Shia scholar Allama Jaffer Subhani, Tasawar Hussain Advocate, a Shia doctor in Kharadar, and a Shia man named Tanveer.
    He said the CID recovered three Kalashnikovs, three 9mm pistols, two TT pistols, five hand grenades, 150 rounds and two motorcycles from the possession of the accused men.
    “These target killers have previously been arrested by the Baghdadi, Kalri and CID Napier police between 2004 and 2006,” he added.

  18. In Sana Bucha’s program Lekin (4 Feb 2012): MNA and State Minister for HRD Waqas Akram Shaikh and Sahibzada Fazle Karim clearly condemned and disowned SIpah–e-Sahaba as a terrorist organization which has no link with Sunni Muslims.

  19. Six years on, Nishtar Park carnage trial remains inconclusiveIshaq Tanoli | Metropolitan > Karachi | From the Newspaper Yesterday
    KARACHI, Feb 4: In the last six years, the prosecution in the Nishtar Park blast case has presented for examination only one witness before an anti-terrorism court in one of the major acts of terrorism that claimed the lives of over 50 people, including the top leadership of the Sunni Tehreek.

    This inordinate delay in the disposal of the case is a clear violation of the Anti-Terrorism Act, 1997 as its Section 19 (7) says that the court shall, on taking cognizance of a case, proceed with the trial on a day-to-day basis and shall decide it within seven days, failing which an application may be made to the administrative judge of the high court concerned for appropriate directions for an expeditious disposal of the case.

    Three accused said to be associated with the proscribed Lashkar-i-Jhangvi — Sultan Mahmood alias Saifullah, Mufti Zakir Hussain Siddiqui and Rehmatullah — have been charged with plotting the bomb attack on an Eid Milad-un-Nabi (peace be upon him) congregation at Nishtar Park in April 2006.

    Currently, the case is pending before the Anti-Terrorism Court-I, which recorded the evidence of the first prosecution witness, a policeman who carried out legal formalities under Section 174 of the criminal procedure code, around 10 days ago and now the case is fixed for further evidence for Feb 7.

    Initially, the case was sent to the ATC-V, Karachi, for trial, but the home department was tardy in issuing a notification for jail trial and in 2008 the ATC-V was shifted to Badin and the Nishtar Park bombing case was transferred to the ATC-II.

    The then judge of the ATC-II, Abdul Ghafoor Memon, had on May 4, 2009 indicted four accused, including Mohammad Amin alias Khalid Shaheen, who denied the charges and opted to contest the case.

    The judge had directed the prosecution to produce its witnesses in court. But the prosecution did not examine any witness till August 2009 when accused Amin moved an acquittal application under Section 265-K (power of court to acquit accused at any stage) of the CrPC. After hearing arguments from both sides, the court allowed the plea and acquitted the accused for want of evidence on Aug 19, 2009.

    Following the acquittal of Mohammad Amin, the court framed amended charges against the remaining three accused on Sept 1, 2009. The accused again denied the charges and the court summoned the witnesses for the prosecution. But no evidence was recorded till Nov 20, 2009 when the contract of the trial judge expired.

    The trial of the present case remained pending before the non-functional ATC-II for over 15 months. Finally, the case was transferred to the ATC-I for trial in March 2011.

    Legal experts express grave concerns over an inordinate delay in the disposal of the case and suggest that the court hear the case on a day-to-day basis for its early disposal.

    However, court sources fear that the trial may take many years to conclude as there are over 100 prosecution witnesses in the case.

    Though the government appointed a special public prosecutor for this case, a lack of interest on the part of prosecuting and investigating agencies as well as the complainant party is one of the many reasons behind the delay in the disposal of the case, they add.

    According to the prosecution, a massive bomb blast took place near the stage when participants in the 12th Rabi-ul-Awwal congregation were offering Maghrib prayers at Nishtar Park on April 11, 2006. Over 50 people, including Sunni Tehrik leaders Abbas Qadri and Iftikhar Bhatti, Muttahida Majlis-i-Amal leader Hafiz Taqi and others, were killed while over 100 others wounded in the bombing.

    The accused were arrested a couple of months after the terrorist attack and accused Sultan recorded his confessional statement before the court of a judicial magistrate and also implicated his accomplices in the offence.

    The prosecution added that the suicide bomber, who was identified as Siddiq, used to live with the accused before the attack and they were also seen near the crime-scene at the time of the blast.

    A case (FIR 71/06) was registered under Sections 302 (premeditated murder), 324 (attempted murder), 109 (punishment of abetment if the act abetted is committed in consequence and where no express provision is made for its punishment), 120-B (punishment of criminal conspiracy), 114 (abettor present when offence is committed) and 34 (common intention) of the Pakistan Penal Code and Sections 3, 4 of the Explosive Substance Act read with Section 7 of the Anti-Terrorism Act, 1997 at the Soldier Bazaar police station on a complaint of Mohammad Altaf Qadri.

    Amanullah alias Mufti Ilyas, Qari Abid Iqbal and Khalid are the absconding accused in the case.

  20. Smokers’ Corner: What’s your poison?Nadeem F. Paracha | Opinion | From the Newspaper Yesterday
    The Sunni Tehrik (ST), a Barelvi Islamist organisation, announced last Sunday that it was converting itself into a political party. To quite a few Pakistanis the ST comes across as being another sectarian outfit triggered by the controversial Islamisation process of the Ziaul Haq dictatorship in the 1980s.

    It is true that the ST was a consequence of the legacy of the sectarian mess Zia’s divisive policies had created, but it must be emphasised that during the dictator’s regime the Sunni sectarian outfits that emerged were almost all ideologically orientated towards either the Deobandi school of thought or the Salafi doctrine. The majority of Pakistani Muslims belong to the Barelvi school of thought – an 18th century emergence that fused elements of Sufism with rituals and beliefs of the faith being practised by Muslims of undivided India in the rural areas.

    That’s why some scholars have also defined Barelvism as a kind of ‘folk Islam’, that may be riddled with some superstitions but is said to be far more moderate and pluralistic than the faith advocated and interpreted by its Deobandi or Salafi counterparts. According to sociologists like Abdul Qadeer and author Hassan Abbas, it is this perception that made Zia (and his intelligence agencies) concentrate on patronising political and militant outfits representing the more puritanical Sunni sects.

    It was felt (by the dictatorship) that the Barelvis’ theological disposition was not suited to be transformed into the kind of jihadist fervour Zia was funded and directed to ferment (in Afghanistan) by the US and Saudi Arabia in the 1980s. Unlike the majority of Pakistan’s Sunni sectarian outfits that emerged during the Zia era, the ST was formed in 1992, four years after the end of the Zia regime.

    Its formation was explained as a reaction by Barelvi political-religious organisations to the rising influence of Deobandi and ‘Wahabi’ outfits that worked closely with the country’s military-establishment during the anti-Soviet ‘Afghan jihad.’ But even though the ST surfaced as the Barelvis’ first expression of sectarian militancy, the theological and ritual diversity found within the Barelvi sect has restricted it from turning into the kind of militant outfit its Deobandi or Salafi counterparts (such as Sipah Sahaba) have become notorious for.

    Analyst Murtaza Haider recently reproduced the doctoral thesis of Syed Ejaz Hussain in Dawn that analysed the religious characteristics of the 2,344 terrorists arrested between 1990 and 2009 in Pakistan. The sectarian breakdown of the arrested terrorists revealed that more than 90 per cent belonged to the Deobandi school, whereas only five per cent were from the Barelvi sect.

    It is interesting to note that till the 1990s, whereas religious minded Deobandis had well oiled political parties like the Jamiat Ulema-i-Islam (JUI) , and the more urbanised Sunni puritans backed mainstream fundamentalist entities like the Jamat-i-Islami (JI), the majority Barelvi population were hardly ever organised on a cohesive political-religious platform.

    The Jamiat Ulema-i-Pakistan was considered to be the prominent Barelvi party, but a majority of Barelvis have (ever since the 1970s) largely been seen to be supporters of ‘secular’ parties like the PPP (in rural and semi-rural areas of Sindh and southern Punjab) and the MQM (in Karachi). Political Economist, Boris Rumer, in ‘Asia at the end of Transition’ suggests that the JUP was strong among religious minded Barelvis in urban Sindh and parts of Punjab, and though it opposed the PPP regime of Z A Bhutto, it did not support the Zia dictatorship, denouncing his Islamisation policies as being pitched against the Barelvis.

    With the rising belligerence of Deobandi militant organisations during the Zia regime and the state-patronage that these outfits enjoyed during the Afghan war, the JUP disintegrated — especially when members of its youth wing and some elements of the Barelvi student organisation, Anjuman-i-Taleba-i-Islam (ATI), began forming more radical Barelvi outfits.

    Many of these outfits came together in 1992 to form the ST. In Karachi, MQM militants who’d fallen out with the party’s leadership (claiming it was too ‘secular’ and ‘pro-Shia’), also began joining the ST.

    However, in spite of using the Sunni prefix in its name, the ST’s programme was geared more towards combating Deobandi and ‘Wahabi’ militant organisations whom it accused of being agents of Arab monarchies, and of being backed by Pakistan’s military-establishment. After the tragic 9/11 episode, the ST stood out as the only large religious outfit in Pakistan that openly opposed the Taliban, Al-Qaeda and violent sectarian groups like the Sipah-i-Sahaba.

    Drummed up (by the West and Pakistani liberals) as being the more moderate face of religious radicalism that was openly critical of the violent tactics of jihadi organisations, the ST’s comparative charm suddenly collapsed when a Barelvi fanatic shot dead the former Punjab Governor Salman Taseer in 2011 after accusing him of committing blasphemy. There is evidence to suggest that a number of Deobandi militant outfits were funded by puritanical Arab monarchies and had contacts within Pakistan’s intelligence agencies.

    The ST, on the other hand, has been collecting funds from its followers (especially from Karachi’s trader classes). However, according to a US report, the ST received $36,000 from the US government for standing up to the Taliban, but further funding was suspended after some members of the ST praised the killing of Taseer. Nevertheless, in spite of the growing militancy and hate crimes surfacing from within the ST, its recently unravelled programme suggests that it plans to continue opposing the Taliban and Deobandi outfits like the Sipah-i-Sahaba/Jamat-ud-Dawa. Little was said in its programme about certain thorny issues (the blasphemy law, the anti-Ahmadi legislation, etc.) whose blatant misuse over the past decades has instigated violence and hate crimes against minorities and liberal Pakistanis. The ST has demanded the release of Governor Taseer’s under-trial murderer.

    Ironically, such are the issues on which the ST sees itself being on the same page as those it detests.

  21. sepah a sabah (r.a) zindabad

  22. is any law in Pakistan against hatred speeches by mullahs sepah a sabah

  23. Wahabi are not Sunni.
    Its a Wahabi propaganda that Wahabi are Sunni..If Shia are not Sunni then How Wahabi becomes Sunni?
    Sunni in Pakistan are known as Barelvi and putside the South Asia they are known as Sufi.
    Wahabi = Deobandi & Salafi/Ahle Hadeeth

  24. brelvis are not muslims.
    and SEPAH-E-SAHABA R.A zindabaad.

  25. oay bralviun tm kahan k sunni ho tm bidhati ho tm mushrik ho oay sipah e sahba ko bura kehty ho? un ko jo nabi k ashab ki namus ki khatir jan qurban krty hn r aammi ayesha r.a ki izzat pe jan qrban krty hn kbi apny greban me jhakny ki toufeq hui ha tmhen tm kia ho?

  26. sunni bareilvi allah ke bande aur ye deo ke bande. batao ahle tauheed kaun hai, sunni bareilvi ya deo ke bande.hazrat haji imdadullah mahajir makki r.a . se puch liya hota ke apka maslak qya hai. aap ke khulfaon ne ala hazrat ke fatawa per tasdeeq ki hai.

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