General Aslam Beg manhandles Dawn News’ reporter Aizaz Syed

by admin

Dawn News reporter Aizaz Syed asks Pakistan’s former army chief (1988-1991) General Mirza Aslam Beg if he might be court-martialled due to his role in the distribution of money to anti-PPP political parties before the 1990 elections.

He also asks General Beg that in view of his questionable role against democracy in 1990, was he not morally obliged to return the Democracy Medal (Tamgha-e-Jamhuriat) that was awarded to him in 1988 by the late Prime Minister Benazir Bhutto in good faith that he (Beg) will keep supporting the budding democracy in Pakistan after General Zia’s longest military rule (1977-88).

Of course, these questions were painfully and bitterly true for General (R) Aslam Beg who first tried to run away from the reporter to avoid the questions and then decided to manhandle the reporter himself and also tried to damage the recording equipment.

Here is some background information about the Asghar Khan Case which is currently being heard in Pakistan’s apex court:

11 Comments to “General Aslam Beg manhandles Dawn News’ reporter Aizaz Syed”

  1. Asghar Khan’s ISI funds case in SC to blemish many

    Amir Mir
    Wednesday, January 25, 2012


    LAHORE: The Supreme Court of Pakistan’s decision to finally fix a date for the hearing of the decade-old petition filed by Air Marshal (retd) Asghar Khan, asking the apex court to punish all those politicians and political parties who had been receiving funds from the ISI, is set to blemish the democratic credentials of many key politicians, especially Mian Nawaz Sharif.

    The Supreme Court has fixed February 29, 2012 as the date for the hearing of Asghar Khan’s petition, which alleged that the ISI had dished out millions of rupees to different right-wing politicians during President Ghulam Ishaq Khan’s regime to maneouver the 1990 elections. Asghar Khan’s case is popularly known as the Mehran Bank scandal or Mehrangate in which senior politicians and political parties were found to have been bribed by the country’s mighty military and intelligence against the Pakistan People’s Party (PPP). As per details of the case, payments of up to 140 million rupees were allegedly made under the alleged instructions of General Mirza Aslam Beg by the ISI via the owner of Mehran Bank, Younis Habib. Intelligence funds were deposited in Mehran Bank in 1992 propping up what was an insolvent bank as a favour for its owners help in loaning money to the ISI in 1990 that was used in the creation of the right wing alliance Islami Jamhoori Ittehad (IJI) and bankrolling the campaigns of many opponents of the PPP.

    Asghar Khan, who has recently joined hands with Imran Khan, had repeatedly asked the Chief Justice of Pakistan Iftikhar Mohammad Chaudhry to re-open his case [which he had filed in 1996] with a view to take it to its logical end. Under the (HRC 19/96) petition, he made the former Chief Of Army Staff General Mirza Muhammad Aslam Beg, the former ISI chief Lt Gen Asad Durrani and Younis Habib of Habib and Mehran Banks as parties in the case. Asghar Khan and Imran Khan, as well as the ruling PPP had recently urged the Chief Justice to take up the petition, which is going to dust off an old controversy. The case had originated on June 16, 1996 from a letter by Asghar Khan to the then Chief Justice Sajjad Ali Shah, asking him to take appropriate action on the then Interior Minister Major General (retd) Naseerullah Khan Babar’s statement in the National Assembly. Syed Sajjad Shah was hearing the case when he was shown the door in November 1997 by his fellow judges following a mutiny, allegedly maneuvered by then Nawaz Sharif government.

    Naseerullah Khan Babar had stated on the floor of the National Assembly: “The ISI collected some Rs140 million from the Habib Bank Ltd and distributed among a number of politicians prior to the 1990 elections with a view to manipulate the results in favour of the Islami Jamhoori Ittehad.” Asghar Khan’s letter was subsequently converted into a constitutional petition (19 of 1996) by the Chief Justice under Article 184(3), envisaging the human rights jurisdiction of the apex court. According to Asghar Khan, the purpose of his petition was to expose the role of ISI in manoeuvring the election results and supporting its favourite politicians to fulfill political ends of the establishment.

    The respondents in the said case were Mirza Mohammad Aslam Beg, former Chief of Army Staff, retired Lt General Asad Durrani, ex-Director-General of Inter Services Intelligence Directorate and Younis Habib, ex-chief of ex-Mehran Bank Ltd, and then confined in Central Jail, Karachi. In his written reply submitted with the Supreme Court [during the tenure of Sajjad Ali Shah] and subsequently reported by the media, General Aslam Beg had stated: “More serious damage has been caused to the reputation and the goodwill of the armed forces by Asghar Khan in bringing the petition before this Honourable Court and raising an issue before the apex court which of course would receive great publicity and would cause greater damage by scandalisation in the media.”

    General Beg added: “That in 1990 the National Assembly of Pakistan was dissolved and the government of Ms Benazir Bhutto was dismissed. A caretaker government was formed to hold elections within 90 days. The then President Ghulam Ishaq Khan had formed an Election Cell directly under him managed by Roedad Ali Khan/Ijlal Haider Zaidi. That later on, the answering respondent was informed by Director-General Inter Services Intelligence that various accounts were opened and the amount of Rs140 million was deposited in those accounts directly by Younis Habib. Director-General Inter-Services Intelligence made arrangements to distribute these amounts amongst the politicians belonging to various political parties and persons as instructed by the Election Cell”.

    General Beg then conceded that it had been a routine for the ISI to support the favourite candidates in elections under directives of the successive chief executives. “It is in the very knowledge of the answering respondent that it was the practice with the ISI to support the candidates during the elections under the directions of the Chief Executive of the government”.

    Afterwards, former ISI DG, Lt Gen (retd) Asad Durrani, had conceded in an affidavit submitted with the Federal Investigation Agency (FIA) that his political cell received Rs140 million from Younis Habib for distribution among anti-PPP politicians at the behest of General Mirza Aslam Beg. The 1990 election was subsequently won by the IJI led by Nawaz Sharif, who had allegedly received Rs3.5 million from the ISI fund for his election campaign. Pakistan Muslim League-Nawaz, however, denies accepting money from the ISI for the 1990 election campaign of Islami Jamhoori Ittehad. Lt Gen Asad Durrani, however, says in his affidavit: “It was in September 1990 that I had received instructions to provide ‘logistic support’ for disbursement of donations for the election campaign of the IJI. And all the distributed funds went to the Islamic Democratic Alliance.”

    According to the affidavit, those had received funds from the ISI included Mian Nawaz Sharif (in rupees) 3.5 million, Lt General Rafaqat [GIK’s election cell] 5.6 million, Mir Afzal 10 million, Ghulam Mustafa Jatoi 5 million, Jam Sadiq Ali 5 million, Mohammed Khan Junejo 2.5 million, Pir Pagaro 2 million, Abdul Hafeez Pirzada 3 million, Yusuf Haroon 5 million [he confirms having received this for Altaf Hussain of the MQM], Muzaffar Hussain Shah 0.3 million, Abida Hussain 1 million, Humayun Marri 5.4 million, Jamaat-e-Islami Rs5 million; Altaf Hussain Qureshi and Mustafa Sadiq Rs0.5 million; Arbab Ghulam Aftab Rs0.3 million; Pir Noor Mohammad Shah Rs0.3 million; Arbab Faiz Mohammad Rs0.3 million; Arbab Ghulam Habib Rs0.2 million; Ismail Rahu Rs0.2 million; Liaquat Baloch Rs1.5 million; Jam Yusuf Rs0.75 million; Nadir Magsi Rs1 million etc.

    During the Mehrangate investigations of 1993 which led up to the Supreme Court case, Younis Habib of HBL/MBL, as per his statement filed in court (recorded in Karachi under section 161 Cr.P.C), disclosed that the following political and other pay-offs were made between 1991 and 1994: “General Mirza Aslam Beg Rs 140 million; Jam Sadiq Ali (the then chief minister of Sindh) Rs70 million; Altaf Hussain (MQM) Rs20 million, Advocate Yousaf Memon (for disbursement to Javed Hashmi MNA and others) Rs50 million; 1992 – Jam Sadiq Ali Rs150 million; 1993 – Liaquat Jatoi Rs01 million; 1993 – chief minister of Sindh, through Imtiaz Sheikh Rs12 million; Afaq Ahmed of the MQM Rs0.5 million; 1993 chief minister of Sindh, through Imtiaz Sheikh Rs01 million; 1993 – Ajmal Khan, a former federal minister Rs1.4 million; 1993 – Nawaz Sharif, former prime minister, Rs3.5 million; 27/9/93 Nawaz Sharif, former prime minister, Rs2.5 million; 26/9/93 Jam Mashooq Rs0.5 million; 26/9/93 Dost Mohammad Faizi Rs1 million; Jam Haider Rs 2 million; Jam Mashooq Rs3 million; Adnan, son of Sartaj Aziz, Rs1 million; Nawaz Sharif and Ittefaq Group of Companies Rs200 million (photocopies of cheques and deposit slips, etc, already attached with affidavit at page nos. 42 to 73); Sardar Farooq Leghari 12/12/93 (payment set/off) Rs30 million, 6/1/94 Rs2.0856 million, 19/3/94 Rs1.92 million.

  2. According to details, the case was filed by Air Marshal (Retd) Asghar Khan in 1996 following a statement of former interior minister Naseerullah Babar in the Parliament in which he alleged that in 1990 Rs140 million had been dished out with the help of ISI among the political opponents of Pakistan People’s Party.

    The petition filed by Asghar Khan said, ISI distributed money among the political opponents of PPP during the general elections of 1990.

    The proceedings were started on the case in 1996 when Justice Sajjad Ali Shah was Chief Justice of Pakistan.

    The then Army Chief General Aslam Baig, in a reply submitted with the Supreme Court said:

    – President Ghulam Ishaq Khan had set up an election cell in the Presidency under the supervision of Roidad Khan and Ajlal Haider during 1990 general elections.

    – ISI had on the instructions of the election cell gave away Rs140 million to the opponents of PPP.

    – It is a usual thing for ISI to extend help to their favorite politicians in elections and its approval is granted by the chief executive of the government.

    Former ISI chief Lt. Gen. (Retd) Asad Durrani in his affidavit said:

    – The money was distributed among politicians on the directive of General (Retd) Aslam Baig (Chief of Army Staff at the time).

    According to Asad Durrani the money was distributed as below:

    Nawaz Sharif got Rs3.5 million; Mir Afzal Khan Rs10 million; Lt. Gen. Rafaqat got Rs5.6 million for distribution among journalists; Abida Hussain Rs1 million; Jamat-e-Islami Rs5 million; Altaf Hussain Qureshi Rs500,000; Ghulam Mustafa Jatoi Rs5 million (Sindh); Jam Sadiq Rs5 million (Sindh); Muhammad Khan Junejo Rs250,000 (Sindh); Pir Pagara Rs2 million (Sindh); Maulana Salahuddin Rs300,000 (Sindh); different small groups in Sindh Rs5.4 million and; Humayun Marri Rs1.5 million (Balochistan).

  3. Professor Gafoor of Jamaat-e-Islami keeps lying:

  4. General Aslam Beg’s Message to Supreme Court – by Nazir Naji

  5. Hahahaha

    Cheeta hai Azaz Syed

  6. i think reporter was also annoying him by repating question… he said that he will not comment that was enough

  7. It was totally very unprofessional approach by the young reporter of Dawn who violated the norms of decency . A question which is at times averted for obvious reason was repeated time and again for no rhyme or reasons.but to humiliate . The case is in the court and would definitely be decided on merit and the consequences will be faced by all and sundry. But who has authorized the reporter to misbehave with , even if nothing else but the elderly person like General Aslam Baig .

  8. Extremely Poor Show On The Part Of Journalist

  9. Bravo Azaz Syed for taking on these pig-headed Army Generals! It is because of these thugs that the Army has been vilified and abused so much in Pakistan.

  10. پیپلز پارٹی کے سرکردہ رہنما ریٹائرڈ فوجی جرنیل نصیر اللہ بابر نے گیارہ جون 1996ء میں قومی اسمبلی کے اجلاس میں ایک ایسے فوجی منصوبے کا پردہ چاک کیا تھا جس کے ذریعے ’عوامی سیاست کے اس خطرے‘ سے نمٹنے کی کوشش کی گئی تھی جو افغان جنگ کے خاتمے اور اس کے سورما جنرل ضیاء الحق کی گیارہ سالہ فوجی آمریت کے بعد ایک بار پھر سر اٹھا رہی تھی۔
    نصیر اللہ بابر کے بقول منصوبے کے اس وقت کی فوجی قیادت اور اس کے حامی سیاسی کرداروں نے ’قومی مفاد میں پیسے اور ریاستی طاقت کا پوری نیک نیتی سے‘ استعمال کیا تھا۔
    نصیر اللہ بابر نے قومی اسمبلی کو بتایا تھا کہ بے نظیر بھٹو کی حکومت کو گرانے کے بعد انہیں دوبارہ اقتدار میں آنے سے روکنے کے لیے اس وقت کے فوجی سربراہ ریٹائرڈ جنرل مرزا اسلم بیگ نے 1990ء کے انتخابات کے لیے مہران بینک سے کروڑوں روپے نکلوا کر مختلف سیاستدانوں میں تقسیم کئے تاکہ پیپلز پارٹی کے مخالف سیاسی اتحاد آئی جے آئی کو کامیاب کرایا جاسکے۔
    بابر نے اپنے بیان میں یہ بھی کہا تھا کہ اس رقم کی بندر بانٹ کا فریضہ اس وقت کے آئی ایس آئی کے سربراہ لیفٹیننٹ جنرل ریٹائرڈ اسد درانی نے انجام دیا تھا۔
    سولہ سال انتظار کے بعد
    “ریٹائرڈ ائرمارشل اصغر خان پچھلے سولہ برسوں سے اپنے اس مقدمے کے فیصلے کا انتظار کررہے ہیں اور اس عرصے کے دوران وہ سپریم کورٹ کے چیف جسٹس بننے والے تمام ججوں کو اس مقدمے کی شنوائی کرنے کے لیے کئی بار خطوط بھی لکھ چکے ہیں۔ ان کے بقول انہوں نے موجودہ چیف جسٹس افتخار محمد چوہدری کو بھی کم از کم چار خطوط لکھے۔”
    ریٹائرڈ جنرل مرزا اسلم بیگ اور ریٹائرڈ لیفٹیننٹ جنرل اسد درانی عدالت میں اس الزام کو قبول کرچکے ہیں لیکن اسکے باوجود یہ مقدمہ سولہ برسوں سے سپریم کورٹ میں زیرالتواء ہے۔
    1990ء کے انتخابات کے نتائج کرشمہ ساز تھے۔ پیپلز پارٹی اور آئی جے آئی دونوں کے بارے میں یہ کہا جارہا تھا کہ وہ دونوں حکومت سازی کے لیے درکار واضح مینڈیٹ حاصل نہیں کر پائیں گے لیکن پیپلز پارٹی کی سربراہی میں بننے والے اتحاد پیپلز ڈیموکریٹک الائنس کی 45 نشستوں کے مقابلے میں آئی جے آئی نے 105 نشستوں کا مضبوط مینڈیٹ حاصل کرکے سب کو حیران کر دیا تھا۔
    نصیر اللہ بابر کے اس انکشاف پر پاکستان کی فضائی فوج کے سابق سربراہ ریٹائرڈ اصغر خان اس معاملے کو عدالت میں لے گئے تھے۔
    انہوں نے 16 جون 1996ء کو اس وقت کے چیف جسٹس سپریم کورٹ جسٹس سید سجاد علی شاہ کو خط لکھ کر اس بدعنوانی کا نوٹس لینے کی درخواست کی تھی جس پر سپریم کورٹ نے اصغر خان کے اس خط کو اٹھائیس اکتوبر 1996ء کو آئینی درخواست میں تبدیل کر دیا تھا۔
    درخواست کی سماعت کے دوران عدالت میں آئی ایس آئی کے اس وقت کے سربراہ اسد درانی نے وزیر اعظم بے نظیر بھٹو کو سات جون 1994ء کو لکھے گئے ایک خط کی نقل پیش کی تھی جس میں اس وقت کی فوجی قیادت سے پیسے لینے والے سیاسی رہنماؤں اور دوسرے افراد کے ناموں کی فہرست شامل تھی۔
    بعد میں لیفٹیننٹ جنرل نصیر اللہ بابر نے عدالت میں انہی سیاستدانوں اور افراد کو مبینہ طور پر فوجی قیادت کی جانب سے مزید رقوم کی ادائیگیوں کے متعلق بینک دستاویزات بھی جمع کرائی تھیں۔لیکن یہ معاملہ آج تک کسی منطقی انجام تک نہیں پہنچ سکا۔
    اس کیس کی آخری بار سماعت گیارہ اکتوبر 1999ء کو ہوئی تھی۔
    ریٹائرڈ ائرمارشل اصغر خان پچھلے سولہ برسوں سے اپنے اس مقدمے کے فیصلے کا انتظار کررہے ہیں اور اس عرصے کے دوران وہ سپریم کورٹ کے چیف جسٹس بننے والے تمام ججوں کو اس مقدمے کی شنوائی کرنے کے لیے کئی بار خطوط بھی لکھ چکے ہیں۔ ان کے بقول انہوں نے موجودہ چیف جسٹس افتخار محمد چوہدری کو بھی کم از کم چار خطوط لکھے۔
    آخری مرتبہ آٹھ اگست دو ہزار سات کو سپریم کورٹ کے موجودہ چیف جسٹس افتخار محمد چوہدری کے نام یاد دہانی کے خط کی آخری سطر میں اصغر خان نے لکھا تھا کہ ’میری عمر اب 86 برس ہوگئی ہے۔‘

  11. By Khaled Ahmed
    Mehrangate revisited

    In the process of supporting a revisionist Army trying to survive, Pakistan as a state was damaged beyond repair

    Soldier of misfortune

    0 3

    Gen (r) Mirza Aslam Beg, center, leaves the Supreme Court after hearing of the Mehran Bank scandal in Islamabad

    The Asghar Khan case was and is against ex-Army Chief General (Retd) Aslam Beg, not against late President Ghulam Ishaq Khan, even though the affidavits from Beg and General (Retd) Asad Durrani might imply that President Ghulam Ishaq, as the supreme commander, was at the root of the matter. As Younus Habib, the banker who carried out the ‘operation’ has made clear, it was Aslam Beg who was the mastermind; and the president was brought in later when a meeting was arranged at Balochistan House.

    The case today is apparently only about Rs 14 crore distributed by ISI chief General Asad Durrani, but hopefully more will be discovered during the course of looking for record till the total sum will reach approximately Rs 1.4 billion. The record was collected by General (Retd) Naseerullah Babar, then Interior Minister in the PPP government. The case was initiated by Air Marshal (Retd) Asghar Khan after Naseerullah Babar had disclosed in the National Assembly in 1994 how the ISI had disbursed funds to purchase the loyalty of politicians and public figures to manipulate the 1990 elections and bring about the defeat of the PPP.

    Younus Habib, who has already spent four years in jail for the fraud called Mehrangate, says he was asked to arrange Rs 350 million by the former president and the army chief before the 1990 general elections. Of the Rs 345 million, Rs 140 million was paid through Gen Aslam Beg to politicians – Rs 70 million to former Sindh chief minister Jam Sadiq Ali who was provided another Rs 150 million (from Mehran Bank’s funds) for arranging licence to set up Mehran Bank, Rs 15 million to Pir Pagara through Jam Sadiq, Rs 70 million to Younus Memon on the instructions of Ishaq Khan and Aslam Beg for the politicians.

    Beg’s distributed bounties

    Beg stated that Zia had been killed by Russian KGB, Indian RAW and Afghan Khad working in tandem. After a few days, meeting the dead chief’s family, he accused the Americans of having killed him
    Ardeshir Cowasjee writing in Dawn (11 August 2002) said General Babar gave him more lists of recipients of the Mehrangate money:

    These were: Jamaat-e-Islami Rs 5 million; Altaf Hussain Qureshi and Mustafa Sadiq Rs 0.5 million; Arbab Ghulam Aftab Rs 0.3 million; Pir Noor Mohammad Shah Rs 0.3 million; Arbab Faiz Mohammad Rs 0.3 million; Arbab Ghulam Habib Rs 0.2 million; Ismail Rahu Rs 0.2 million; Liaquat Baloch Rs 1.5 million; Jam Yusuf Rs 0.75 million; Nadir Magsi Rs 1 million; Ghulam Ali Nizamani Rs 0.3 million; Ali Akbar Nizamani Rs 0.3 million.

    Then after the case was in the Supreme Court another list of recipients pertaining to years between 1991 and 1994 was made public:

    General Mirza Aslam Beg Rs 140 million; Jam Sadiq Ali (the then chief minister of Sindh) Rs 70 million; Altaf Hussain (MQM) Rs 20 million, Advocate Yousaf Memon ( for disbursement to Javed Hashmi, MNA, and others) Rs 50 million; 1992 – Jam Sadiq Ali Rs 150 million; 1993 – Liaquat Jatoi Rs 0.01 million; 1993 – chief minister of Sindh, through Imtiaz Sheikh Rs 12 million; Afaq of the MQM Rs 0.5 million; 1993 chief minister of Sindh, through Imtiaz Sheikh, Rs 0.01 million; 1993 – Ajmal Khan, a former federal minister, Rs 1.4 million; 1993 – Nawaz Sharif, former prime minister, Rs 3.5 million; 27/9/93 Nawaz Sharif, former prime minister, Rs 2.5 million; 26/9/93 Jam Mashooq Rs 0.5 million; 26/9/93 Dost Mohammad Faizi Rs 1 million; Jam Haider Rs 2 million; Jam Mashooq Rs 3 million; Adnan, son of Sartaj Aziz, Rs 1 million; Nawaz Sharif and Ittefaq Group of Companies Rs 200 million (photocopies of cheques and deposit slips, etc, already attached with affidavit at page nos. 42 to 73); Sardar Farooq Leghari 12/12/93 (payment set/off) Rs 30 million – 6/1/94 Rs 2.0856 million – 19/3/94 Rs 1.92 million.

    Beg’s own take plus FRIENDS

    Nawaz Sharif’s finance minister Ishaq Dar disclosed that ‘Beg came back from Tehran with an offer of $5 billion in return for nuclear know-how, but Sharif rejected the offer’
    The ultimate list pertaining to amounts paid to Aslam Beg appeared in an article written by Cowasjee inDaily Times (22 January 2006) probably because Dawn would not print it. (Note: FRIENDS was a think tank set up by Aslam Beg which ran on the payments made by Younus Habib.)

    G/L Account Activity Report. Account 12110101 G. Baig (sic!) The numbered transactions took place between October 23 1991 and December 12 1993. The first transaction listed was “Cash-P.O. Karachi Bar Association A/C Gen. Baig (sic!), debit, 5,05,680” (advocate Mirza Adil Beg, Aslam Beg’s nephew, the then president of the KBA, confirms that the KBA received the money). In January 1992 USD20,000 was sold @ 26.50 and 5,30,000 was credited to the account.

    Thereafter all debits: “Arshi c/o Gen. Baig (sic.) 2,90,000; Cash paid to Gen. Shab 2,40,000; Cash FRIENDS 1,00,000 [Aslam Beg’s organisation, FRIENDS, Foundation for Research on National Development and Security]; Cash TT to Yamin to pay Gen. Shab 3,00,000; Cash TT to Yamin Habib 12,00,000; Cash FRIENDS 1,00,000; Cash FRIENDS 1,00,000; Cash paid through YH 10,00,000 ; Cash FRIENDS TT to Salim Khan 2,00,000; Cash 1,00,000; Cash Towards FRIENDS 5,00,000; Cash Asif Shah for Benglow 35,000; Cash FRIENDS1,00,000; Cash FRIENDS 1,00,000; Cash TT through Yamin for FRIENDS 1,00.000;

    Cash paid to Fakhruddin G Ebrahim 2,00,000 [he confirms having received the money from General Beg as fees and expenses for defending him in the contempt of court charge brought against him – PLD 1993 SC310]; Cash paid through TT to Yamin for FRIENDS; Cash paid to Fakhruddin G Ebrahim 1,28,640 [he confirms receipt for fees/expenses for contempt case]; Cash Guards at 11-A 10,500; Cash TT for USD 240,000 Fav. Riaz Malik to City Bank (sic!) New York 68,76,000; Cash FRIENDS 1,00,000; Cash Guards at 11-A 10,500; Cash Major Kiyani 10,000; Cash mobile phone for Col. Mashadi 28,911; Cash TT favour of Qazi Iqbal and M Guddul 3,00,000; Cash Major Kiyani 10,000; Cash TT to Peshawar 3,00,000;

    Cash deposited at Karachi A/C EC [Election Commission] 3,00,000; Cash Guards 24,000; Cash TT to Quetta 7,00,000; Cash mobile bill of Col. Mashadi 3,237; Cash TT to Peshawar Br. 4,00,000; Cash deposited at Karachi Br. 4,00,000; Cash Guards 11,520; Cash TT to Peshawar for EC 2,00,000; Cash TT to Quetta for EC 2,00,000 ; Cash Guards 5,760 ; Cash Major Kiyani 5,000; Cash A/C Guards 8,640; Cash. YH 2,00,000; Cash A/C Guards 5,760; Cash TT to Salim Khan 1,00,000.

    Aslam Beg was essentially an adventurer and a soldier of fortune shaped by Pakistan’s revisionist doctrine of defence who could not win against India playing according to rules of professionalism. In the process of supporting a revisionist Army trying to survive, Pakistan as a state was damaged beyond repair.

    Beg’s lateral thinking on drugs

    Ardeshir Cowasjee (Dawn 21 July 2002) reveals that in 1991 Aslam Beg and Asad Durrani met Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif and told him that funds for vital on-going covert operations were drying up, but they had a foolproof plan to generate money by dealing in drugs. They asked for his permission to associate themselves with the drug trade, assuring him of full secrecy and no chance of any trail leading back to them.

    In 1988, General Zia removed the Junejo government under Section 58-2B. The Supreme Court found that the president had wrongfully dismissed the government, but it didn’t restore it. Years later, ex-COAS General Aslam Beg revealed that he had sent a message to chief justice Zullah through chairman Senate Wasim Sajjad ordering the Court not to restore the Junejo government. When a contempt petition against the ex-COAS was brought before the Court, once again the Court visibly shied away from proceeding against him, and the rumour was that the GHQ had interceded for Aslam Beg.

    Beg’s proliferation

    Washington-based journalist Khalid Hasan writing in Daily Times (11 November 2004) quoted a New Republic article referring to a statement made by Dr AQ Khan that Aslam Beg, army chief from 1988 to 1991, had authorised the sale of Pakistan’s nuclear weapons’ technology to other states.

    General Zia died in an air-crash in 1988 and the man first accused of having planned it was Zia’s chief of staff, Aslam Beg, who acted in a strange manner after the crash. He declined to sit in the plane that was hit, then changed his statements about where he went after the crash and who had actually killed Zia. Zia’s son, Ijazul Haq, who was in the Nawaz Sharif government after the 1990 election, kept accusing Aslam Beg of having killed his father – till many years later he changed his line to accuse the Americans like everyone else.

    Beg and Shafiur Rehman Commission

    In 1992, Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif was forced – by accusations of foul play from various quarters – to set up a commission of inquiry into the Bahawalpur crash. The Commission was headed by the Supreme Court judge Justice Shafiur Rehman but it submitted a report of non-performance by clearly accusing the Pakistan Army of obstructing its work. The cover-up from the Army was typical: The Commission was convinced that the air-crash was an act of sabotage. It noted that the evidence was destroyed by the quick removal of debris and by an equally quick burial of the dead bodies without post mortem. The army refused to hand over the door with a hole in it, caused by the explosion in the cargo section where a device was placed by loaders. (This door was noted in the photographs that were appended to an earlier Air Force inquiry.) Gordon Corera, in Shopping for Bombs: Nuclear Proliferation, Global Security and the Rise and Fall of the AQ Khan Network, (Oxford University Press, 2006) examines General Aslam Beg’s activity during his tenure as Army Chief and comes to the conclusion that he had never been in agreement with General Zia about not giving nuclear technology to Iran. In fact it was as a part of his ‘strategic defiance’ worldview that he wanted to shift from a pro-Arab policy to a pro-Iran one.

    Beg and AQ Khan

    London-based International Institute of Strategic Studies, issued its report Nuclear Black Markets: Pakistan, AQ Khan and the Rise of Proliferation Networks, in 2007. It noted: In 2000, when General Pervez Musharraf ordered his National Accountability Bureau (NAB) to inquire into the affairs of Dr AQ Khan, NAB relied on an earlier investigation carried out under Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif by the ISI in 1998-1999 to confirm that Khan was buying too much material for Pakistan’s own programme and that he had given a house to General Beg and was paying off numerous Pakistani journalists and even funding a newspaper.

    Zahid Hussain, Frontline Pakistan: The Struggle with Militant Islam, Columbia University Press, New York, 2007, p.166, states: Nawaz Sharif’s finance minister Ishaq Dar disclosed that ‘Beg came back from Tehran with an offer of $5 billion in return for nuclear know-how, but Sharif rejected the offer’.

    Weekly Karachi magazine Takbeer printed a report in 1992 which reads like a ‘leak’ from the post-Aslam Beg military leadership. The report was published in the 20 August 1992 issue under the title Saaniha Bahawalpur main chand A’la Fauji Afsar Mulawwis hein (Some High-ranking Army Officers are involved in the Bahawalpur Tragedy). Its editor Salahuddin was later mysteriously killed in Karachi.

    Beg and ‘Takbeer’ revelations

    About General Zia’s death in an air-crash in Bahawalpur, it noted: When Zia asked Beg to return to Islamabad with him in his C-130, Beg said he had to go to Lahore on some other mission. This statement he gave on 19 August 1988. But on 25 August he told some officers that he actually had to go to Multan and therefore had declined to go with Zia. But the log book of his plane mentioned no planned trips to either Multan or Lahore on the page-entry for 17 August. On 18 August 1988, in the presence of some American officials, Beg stated that Zia had been killed by Russian KGB, Indian RAW and Afghan Khad working in tandem. After a few days, meeting the dead chief’s family, he accused the Americans of having killed him!

    A recent book by Tahir Malik, Richard Bonney and Tridev Singh Maini, Warriors after War (Peter Lang 2011) carries an interview of Aslam Beg. He states: Jihad is ordained and has bestowed dividends in Afghanistan and Kashmir because of Divine Will behind Jihad. In Pakistan, Pakhtun power has emerged as a reality. There are over three million Pakhtuns in Karachi; their power extends to Balochistan, NWFP and to the Hindukush mountains. Their fight for freedom, since 1980, has galvanised them into a formidable force, combining the forces of Pakhtun nationalism, Islamic idealism (jihad) and the universalism of the Islamic resistance against oppression, with its hard core resting along the Durand Line.

Leave a Reply

Fill in your details below or click an icon to log in: Logo

You are commenting using your account. Log Out / Change )

Twitter picture

You are commenting using your Twitter account. Log Out / Change )

Facebook photo

You are commenting using your Facebook account. Log Out / Change )

Google+ photo

You are commenting using your Google+ account. Log Out / Change )

Connecting to %s

%d bloggers like this: